UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


A  HISTORY  OF 

ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

TO  THE  CONFEDERATION 


A  History  of 

English-Canadian  Literature 

to  the  Confederation 

Its  Relation  to  the  Literature  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States 


BY 

Ray  Palmer  Baker,  Ph.D. 

Professor  of  English  in  the  Rensselaer 
Polytechnic  Institute 


Cambridge 
Harvard  University  Press 

London:  Humphrey  Milford 
Oxford  University  Press 

I920 


COPYRIGHT,  1920 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


*  %      •     I 


•  •      •    I 


1  1       •     •     • 

.  .  4     •  * 


•  •  •  - 


•     •      *       •     ■»    . 


TO  MY  MOTHER 


•A 


V 


PREFACE 

Most  of  the  material  in  this  volume  was  collected  for  a 
doctoral  dissertation  presented  at  Harvard  University 
shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  Great  War.  A  little 
later  it  was  recast  for  the  Semicentennial  of  the  Con- 
federation. Since  the  reasons  for  the  participation  of 
Canada  in  the  War  were  then  little  understood  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  reasons  for  the  non-participation 
of  the  United  States  as  little  understood  in  Canada, 
publication  of  a  study  demanding  mutual  tolerance  and 
respect  seemed  singularly  inopportune.  Now  that  mis- 
understanding has  been  dissipated  by  the  intervention 
of  the  Republic,  there  appears  to  be  no  further  cause  for 
delay. 

To  meet  the  needs  of  the  moment  I  have  therefore 
prepared  this  abstract.  Aside  from  the  omission  of  many 
biographical  details  and  critical  observations,  and  the 
addition  of  a  few  references  to  the  developments  of  the 
War,  the  text  is  practically  that  of  the  first  draft.  That 
the  events  of  the  last  five  years  have  substantiated  most 
of  my  conclusions  leads  me  to  hope  that  the  aim  with 
which  the  work  was  undertaken  may  not  be  entirely 
unfulfilled.  At  any  rate,  I  trust  that  the  volume  may 
provide  an  adequate  background  for  the  series  to  which 
it  is  an  introduction;  that  it  may  deepen,  in  Canada,  the 
growing  interest  in  the  beginnings  of  its  literature;  that 
it  may  emphasize,  in  the  United  States,  the  emergence  of 

vii 


viii  PREFACE 

Canadian  nationality,  and  that  it  may  reenforce,  in 
Great  Britain,  the  principles  which  have  made  possible 
a  Britannic  Alliance.  Above  all,  I  trust  that  it  may 
show  the  intellectual  continuity  of  the  English-speaking 
peoples  and  the  fact  that,  in  spite  of  their  differences, 
they  are  unescapably  one. 

In  its  preparation  I  have  tried  to  overlook  nothing  of 
promise  or  importance.  If  I  have  included  anything 
that  seems  trivial,  it  is  because  I  am  anxious  to  spare 
others  the  difficulties  I  have  had  to  overcome.  Where 
expense  has  not  been  prohibitive,  I  have  gone  to  the 
original  sources.  In  many  cases  I  have  been  guided  to 
them  by  the  monographs  available.  Of  these  I  am 
indebted  chiefly  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Soci- 
ety of  Canada;  to  the  Collections  of  the  Nova  Scotia 
Historical  Society;  to  the  Papers  and  Records  of  the 
Ontario  Historical  Society;  to  the  publications  of  the 
Victoria  University  Library,  of  the  Haliburton  Society, 
and  of  the  Ontario  Historical  Publishing  Company. 
Since  I  have  been  unable  to  verify  all  the  dates,  and 
since  even  the  sketches  in  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography  are  inaccurate,  a  few  errors  will  doubtless  be 
found.  To  those  who  may  point  them  out  I  shall  be 
grateful. 

My  gratitude  is  due  also  to  those  who  have  aided  me 
in  my  work:  to  the  assistants  at  the  Toronto  Public 
Library,  the  Boston  Public  Library,  and  the  Harvard 
College  Library ;  to  the  librarians  of  the  Fisher  Memo- 
rial Library,  the  Halifax  Citizens'  Library,  the  Nova 
Scotia  Legislative  Library,  the  St.  John  Public  Library, 
and  the  Acadia  University  Library;   to  the  Dominion 


PREFACE  ix 

Archivist;  to  the  Bursar  of  King's  College;  to  Mr.  C. 
W.  Milner,  Mr.  Beckles  Willson,  Archdeacon  W.  J. 
Armitage,  and  Archdeacon  W.  O.  Raymond,  through 
whose  kindness  I  have  been  able  to  consult  numerous 
documents;  to  Professor  V.  L.  O.  Chittick,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Washington,  who  has  criticized  the  chapter  on 
Haliburton  in  the  light  of  his  researches ;  to  Professors 
W.  B.  Munro  and  Bliss  Perry,  of  Harvard  University, 
who  have  facilitated  my  work  in  various  ways ;  to  Presi- 
dent W.  A.  Neilson  of  Smith  College,  who  gave  me  en- 
couragement and  advice  in  the  early  stages  of  the  study, 
and  to  Professor  C.  N.  Greenough,  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, who  has  placed  at  my  disposal  his  knowledge  of 
American  life  and  literature.  He  has  read  the  manu- 
script, and  by  his  counsel  has  done  much  to  make  the 

History  as  adequate  as  it  is. 

Ray  Palmer  Baker. 
Troy,  September,  1919. 


S 


CONTENTS 

I.  National  Consciousness 3 

II.  Puritanism  and  the  Pre-Revolutionary  Period    .       7 

III.  The  Loyalist  Tradition  and  the  Scotch  Migra- 
tion     17 

IV.  The  Rise  of  Democracy     52 

V.  Joseph  Howe  and  the  "Nova  Scotian" 57 

VI.  Thomas  Chandler  Haliburton  and  the  Loyalist 

Tradition  in  the  Development  of  American  Humor  68 

VII.  Political  Satire  in  the  Canadas 98 

VIII.  History  and  Politics 102 

IX.  Periodical  Literature  in  the  Canadas 112 

X.  Memoirs 117 

XL  John  Richardson  and  the  Historical  Romance    .  125 

XII.  Science  and  Scholarship 140 

XIII.  Travel  and  Exploration 147 

XIV.  The  School  of  Goldsmith 153 

XV.  The  School  of  Byron 157 

XVI.  Charles  Sangster 159 

XVII.  The  School  of  Burns 166 

XVIII.  Charles  Heavysege 168 

XIX.  Past  and  Present 177 

Bibliography 189 

Index 195 


ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 


CHAPTER  I 

NATIONAL  CONSCIOUSNESS 

Seventy-five  years  ago  the  President  of  Harvard  College 
condemned  a  book  by  a  Canadian  author  on  the  ground  that 
no  colonial  government  had  ever  evoked  the  nobility  of 
character  essential  to  greatness;  and  though  the  publication 
of  this  study  indicates  a  new  era  of  understanding  and  re- 
spect, there  are  still  those  who  scout  the  possibility  of  a 
Canadian  literature.  Since  the  days  of  Taine  the  theory 
that  President  Felton  was  trying  to  formulate  has  tempered 
the  methods  of  criticism.  National  independence,  racial 
and  political,  is  everywhere  regarded  as  necessary  for  dis- 
tinction. With  this  view  I  have  no  wish  to  quarrel.  It  may 
be  well  to  point  out,  however,  that  notable  schools  have 
arisen  in  territories  racially  and  politically  subordinate.  If 
it  were  pertinent  to  the  subject,  it  might  not  be  impossible 
to  controvert  the  attitude  which  limits  the  processes  of  evo- 
lution to  communities  which  are  isolated  by  origin  and  law. 

In  the  case  of  Canada  racial  subservience,  as  I  have  to 
show,  is  by  no  means  so  certain  as  generally  assumed.  Nor 
does  political  limitation  appear  necessary.  The  chief  fea- 
ture of  the  last  five  decades  has  been  the  development  of 
national  consciousness  and  the  assumption  of  prerogatives 
in  keeping  with  its  spirit.  Today  the  forms  of  dependence 
are  purely  technical.  In  domestic,  imperial,  and  foreign  af- 
fairs, paradoxical  as  it  may  seem,  the  Dominion  has  achieved, 
in  practice,  the  status  of  a  nation.  Is  it  unnatural,  then,  to 
expect  a  reflection  of  this  individualistic  momentum  in  the 
realm  of  literature  ? 

For  obvious  reasons  no  serious  investigation  of  its  force 
has  ever  been  attempted.    In  Canada,  as  elsewhere,  crit- 


4  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

icism  lags  behind  its  sisters.  Nor  have  the  critics  been  en- 
tirely free  from  preconceptions,  a  fact  aptly  illustrated  by 
the  career  of  Goldwin  Smith.  Most  readers  who  have  any 
idea  of  Canadian  literature  owe  their  impressions  to  his  pen. 
His  academic  reputation  and  his  admirable  style  make  him 
an  acceptable  mentor.  Unfortunately  for  the  just  apprecia- 
tion of  the  subject,  his  conclusions  are  seldom  based  on 
adequate  premises.  Wealth  and  culture  tempted  him  to 
treat  with  scant  consideration  the  material  aims  and 
sordid  tastes  of  a  raw  community.  In  Ontario,  as  in  New 
York,  he  remained  apart  from  the  current  of  national  opin- 
ion. What  detracts  even  more  from  the  value  of  his  observa- 
tions is  the  journalistic  temper  in  which  they  are  made.  It 
is  a  commonplace  that  the  "  Seer  of  the  Grange,"  as  he  is 
still  affectionately  called  by  the  people  among  whom  he 
made  his  home,  wrote  well  on  everything  but  exhaustively 
on  nothing.  The  casual  manner  in  which  he  approached  the 
subject  in  hand  may  be  deduced  from  the  fact  that  in  one 
summary  Haliburton,  whose  ideals  he  detested,  is  dismissed 
with  a  line,  and  Richardson,  who  is  one  of  the  salient  figures 
of  his  time,  is  unmentioned.  Since  minor  authors  of  English 
birth  are  included,  it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  he  was  un- 
acquainted with  the  father  of  Canadian  fiction.  It  is  not 
strange,  therefore,  that  those  who  have  followed  his  leader- 
ship have  been  misled. 

In  the  United  States,  where  his  influence  has  been  para- 
mount, misunderstanding  has  been  accentuated  by  political 
antagonism.  It  is  curious  that  a  people,  invariably  sym- 
pathetic towards  any  assertion  of  independence,  should  have 
viewed  with  suspicion,  and  even  coolness,  the  progress  of 
their  kinsmen.  Spasmodic  discussions  of  the  "  ultimate 
destiny  "  of  the  Northland  and  occasional  outbursts  of 
Continental  fervor,  now  recessant,  indicate  aims  that  long 
restricted  appreciation  of  national  attainment.  In  Great 
Britain  local  causes  have  also  operated.  The  legalistic  tradi- 
tion of  subservience  which  existed  until  recent  years  has 


NATIONAL  CONSCIOUSNESS  5 

undoubtedly  prevented  examination  of  temperamental 
divergences.  Remarkable  proof  of  the  value  of  detachment, 
which  is  wanting  in  the  case  of  Canada,  the  United  States, 
and  even  Great  Britain,  where  criticism,  though  unsyste- 
matic, is  at  least  scholarly,  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  a 
student  must  turn  to  Rennes  for  the  only  dissertation  on 
Canadian  poetry  and  to  Paris  for  the  only  philosophical 
discussion  of  its  progress. 

In  the  last  decade,  however,  a  new  spirit  has  arisen  in 
Canada.  At  McGill,  at  Queen's,  and  in  the  Royal  Society 
the  foundations  of  criticism  are  being  securely  laid.  Even 
more  important  is  the  work  that  is  being  done  by  Victoria 
College  and  by  the  historical  societies,  which  are  making 
available  the  records  of  early  settlement.  Although  much 
that  is  excellent  has  thus  been  accomplished,  there  is  danger 
lest  the  force  of  the  movement  may  be  dissipated  by  its 
extent.  There  is  wide  discussion  of  Canadian  literature, 
its  achievement  and  its  promise,  but  little  systematic  effort 
to  trace  its  progress.  Most  histories  are  mere  biographical 
catalogues  without  perspective  or  arrangement.  To  regu- 
late the  enthusiasm  of  which  these  are  indices,  and  to  guide 
it  into  more  profitable  channels,  some  adventurer  must 
chart  the  stream  of  Canadian  literature  from  its  inception 
to  the  year  1867. 

In  placing  the  buoys  it  is  necessary  to  determine  what 
constitutes  Canadian  territory.  Zeal  for  their  subject  has 
led  historians  to  include  all  writers  of  Canadian  ancestry 
who  have  made  their  reputation  elsewhere  than  in  Canada 
and  all  authors  of  British  parentage  who  have  resided  for 
any  length  of  time  in  the  Dominion,  a  method  that  is 
obviously  unsafe.  Because  George  Romanes  happened  to 
live  in  Kingston;  because  Simon  Newcomb,  the  greatest 
scientist  the  Continent  has  produced,  came  of  old  Nova 
Scotian  stock,  and  received  nearly  all  his  education  in  his 
native  province;  because  Sir  John  Murray,  of  Challenger 
fame,  was  born  in  the  heart  of  Ontario,  and  was  graduated 


6  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

from  the  University  of  Toronto,  it  does  not  follow  that  they 
have  had  any  influence  on  the  progress  of  philosophy,  of 
astronomy,  or  of  oceanography  in  British  North  America. 
Any  nation  might  be  proud  of  the  distinction  which  they 
and  scores  of  others  have  achieved;  but  their  achievements, 
it  is  clear,  have  had  little  effect  on  the  lives  of  their  country- 
men. Until  the  last  two  decades  Canadians  who  left  the 
Dominion  invariably  surrendered  their  interest  in  national 
concerns.  They  may  well  be  dismissed  from  consideration. 
Similarly  visitors  like  Gait  must  be  excluded.  It  is  wiser 
to  consider  only  those  authors  of  Canadian  descent  who 
maintained  their  connection  with  their  native  country  and 
those  of  European  birth  and  education  who  became  identi- 
fied with  its  development. 

Within  these  limits  I  hope  to  portray  the  life  and  temper 
of  the  English-Canadian  people,  to  trace  their  literary  rela- 
tions with  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  the  two 
countries  with  which  they  have  been  most  intimately  con- 
nected, and  to  determine  their  intellectual  origin. 


CHAPTER  II 

PURITANISM  AND  THE  PRE-REVOLUTIONARY 

PERIOD 

The  literature  of  Canada  —  of  the  English-speaking  people 
of  the  Dominion  —  does  not  begin  until  the  close  of  the 
American  Revolution.  Before  that  men  lived  and  wrote  in 
the  Atlantic  Provinces;  but  the  population  was  too  small, 
and  the  struggle  for  existence  too  compelling,  for  them  to 
bequeath  a  distinct  heritage  to  succeeding  generations.  In 
the  world  of  thought  they  discovered  nothing  new,  they  re- 
discovered nothing  old.  The  English  traders,  posted  here 
and  there  on  the  headlands  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  were  more 
given  to  furs  than  to  philosophy.  The  New  Englanders 
who  followed  them  had  a  taste  for  theology  and  politics; 
but  the  Puritan  ideal,  which  became  dominant  in  Acadia 
during  the  Pre-Revolutionary  Period,  was  temporarily  ex- 
tinguished by  the  advent  of  a  powerful  society  similar,  in 
many  respects,  to  the  bureaucracy  of  Quebec,  which  it  ab- 
sorbed. However  greatly  Puritanism  has  since  affected 
religious,  social,  and  civic  institutions,  it  is  little  more  than 
an  incident  in  the  evolution  of  Canadian  literature. 

An  historical  survey  may  help  to  make  clear  its  signifi- 
cance. By  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  17 13,  Acadia,  with  a 
few  thousand  French  inhabitants,  was  ceded  to  Great  Brit- 
ain. Although  a  royal  governor  was  stationed  at  Annap- 
olis, and  monopolies  were  granted  in  several  counties,  all 
serious  attempts  at  colonization  were  postponed  until  1749. 
In  that  year  two  thousand  immigrants  under  Cornwallis 
crossed  the  Atlantic  and  settled  at  Halifax  on  the  shores  of 
the  spacious  harbor  where  their  vessels  anchored.  Most  of 
these  colonists,  ill-prepared  for  the  hardships  of  pioneering, 


8  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

eventually  drifted  to  Boston  or  New  York.  The  isolated 
groups  of  Scotch,  Swiss,  and  Germans,  who  came  later,  were 
likewise  forced  to  seek  more  hospitable  quarters.  Their 
enterprises,  however,  were  gradually  preempted  by  the 
younger  sons  of  the  colonial  aristocracy  and  by  the  traders 
and  fishermen  of  the  New  England  villages.  Under  these 
adventurers  development  continued;  but  progress  was 
intermittent  because  the  New  Englanders  hesitated  to 
establish  their  families  in  a  district  where  French-Catholic 
communities  were  rapidly  increasing.  The  Expulsion  of  the 
Acadians  in  1755  removed  this  obstacle.  Although  not  more 
than  six  thousand,  or  about  half  the  inhabitants,  were 
actually  deported,  those  who  escaped  were  forced  to  aban- 
don their  clearings  and  build  new  homes  in  the  interior.  So 
complete  was  the  exodus  that  thirty  years  later  the  King's 
Commissioner  could  discover  only  four  hundred  people  of 
French  descent  in  the  New  Provinces. 

Harsh  as  it  undoubtedly  was,  the  Expatriation  led  to  a 
laudable  change  in  government.  Military  control,  essential 
in  subjugated  territory,  was  traditionally  repugnant  to  the 
people  of  New  England .  Lack  of  representative  institutions, 
as  well  as  differences  in  language  and  religion,  restrained 
them  from  abandoning  entirely  their  interests  to  the  south. 
Not  until  they  had  received  full  assurance  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty  did  they  respond  to  Governor  Lawrence's 
Proclamation.  The  formation  of  an  assembly  in  1758  re- 
moved any  prejudice  that  still  lingered;  and,  two  years 
later,  when  the  Acadian  lands  were  opened  for  settlement, 
many  reputable  families  from  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Connecticut  took  possession  of  the  deserted  villages. 
Over  seven  thousand  people  thus  found  new  homes  at  Mau- 
gerville,  on  the  St.  John,  or  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Nova 
Scotia.  Among  them  were  many  of  the  most  enterprising 
residents  of  the  Old  Colonies.  Since  the  terms  of  grant  were 
highly  advantageous,  a  desirable  element,  essentially  Ameri- 
can in  character,  was  thus  added  to  the  population  of  the 


THE  PRE-REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD  9 

new  dependency.  Its  Americanism  may  be  deduced  from 
the  fact  that  in  the  county  of  Annapolis  over  sixty  per  cent 
of  the  people  were  of  colonial  birth.  In  one  township  all  but 
thirty-five  had  been  born  in  the  New  World.  The  north- 
ward movement  so  begun  was  further  accelerated,  in  1763, 
by  the  Peace  of  Paris,  which  confirmed  the  supremacy  of 
New  England.  Within  twenty  years  the  number  of  settlers 
doubled;  and  "  Nova  Scotia,"  as  the  territory  came  to  be 
called,  was  beginning  to  assume  the  characteristics  of  an 
established  community  when  the  course  of  its  development 
was  retarded  by  the  Revolution. 

Meantime,  in  that  part  of  Canada  now  known  as  Quebec, 
the  Occupation  had  resulted  in  the  formation  of  two  distinct 
groups  of  English-speaking  people.  The  first,  and  more 
influential,  consisted  of  civil  and  military  officials  charged 
with  the  administration  of  the  conquered  districts.  The 
second,  at  Montreal,  where  many  of  their  narratives  l  were 
afterwards  written,  was  composed  of  Scotch  adventurers 
engaged  in  the  fur  trade.  Both  groups,  unlike  the  people  of 
Nova  Scotia,  looked  to  Great  Britain  as  their  political  and 
intellectual  sponsor. 

Proximity  to  Boston,  tradition,  and  the  enterprise  of 
Massachusetts  merchants  made  Acadia  a  mere  appendage 
of  New  England.  The  town  meeting  and  all  other  institu- 
tions peculiar  to  the  Old  Colonies  were  transferred  bodily  to 
the  New.  Since  the  settlers  were  Congregationalists,  their 
pastors  were  drawn  almost  invariably  from  Harvard;  the 
first  minister  of  the  Halifax  church,  named  after  Cotton 
Mather,  was  Aaron  Cleveland  (1715-57),  a  graduate  of 
Harvard  and  great-great-grandfather  of  President  Cleve- 
land. Their  schoolmasters  also  were  Harvard  men.  So  too 
were  many  of  the  officials  and  members  of  the  Assembly; 
and  it  was  a  Bostonian,  John  Bushnell,  who,  in  1752,  printed 
the  first  copy  of  the  Halifax  Gazette,  which  now  has  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  the  oldest  newspaper  on  the  Continent, 

1  See  Chapter  XIII. 


10  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  evident  that  the  literature 
of  the  Puritan  Era  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  New 
England. 

This  statement  is  true,  to  some  extent,  of  narratives  be- 
fore 1760;  but  the  memorials  of  the  traders  and  explorers 
are  too  few  and  too  fragmentary  to  require  extended  notice. 
As  early  as  1736  John  Gyles  wrote  his  Memoirs  of  Odd- 
Adventures,  a  record  of  his  experiences  on  the  St.  John  River; 
and  in  1757  John  Witherspoon,  one  of  the  settlers  in  An- 
napolis, who  was  captured  by  the  Indians,  sold  to  the  French, 
and  kept  a  prisoner  at  Quebec  until  its  surrender,  began  his 
Journal,  a  meagre  outline  of  his  captivity.  A  more  readable 
book  is  A  Narrative  of  an  Extraordinary  Escape  out  of  the 
Hands  of  the  Indians  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  by  Gamaliel 
Smethurst.  The  author  appears  to  have  been  an  English- 
man who  came  to  Marblehead  and  there  fitted  out  a  vessel 
to  trade  with  the  French  and  Indians  in  the  Baie  des  Cha- 
leurs.  Abandoned  at  Bathurst  Harbor  by  the  master  of  his 
ship,  he  made  his  way  on  foot  to  Fort  Cumberland.  In 
1774,  fourteen  years  later,  he  printed  an  account  of  his  mis- 
fortunes in  the  Gulf  and  A  Providential  Escape  after  a 
Shipwreck  in  Coming  from  the  Island  of  St.  John.  Although 
most  readers  will  probably  agree,  with  the  Monthly  Review, 
that  there  is  "  nothing  very  extraordinary  or  providential 
in  the  episode,"  the  volume  is  interesting  because  of  Smeth- 
urst's  position  in  Nova  Scotia.  In  1765  he  was  elected  to 
the  Legislature  from  Cumberland,  and,  later,  was  appointed 
Controller  of  Customs  and  Deputy  Surveyor  of  Woods. 
The  knowledge  so  gained  he  turned  to  good  account  in  his 
plea  for  reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Ameri- 
can Colonies.  His  writings,  scattered  and  valueless  as  they 
are,  thus  extend  from  the  New  England  Migration  to  the 
Revolution,  and  so  form  a  convenient  starting  point  for  a 
study  of  the  period. 

From  the  logs  of  the  English  traders  the  diaries  of  the  New 
England  planters  differ  materially.     If  records  are  to  be 


THE  PRE-REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD  II 

credited,  the  Congregationalists  of  Nova  Scotia  had  few 
interests  outside  the  church.  The  chief  memorials  of  the 
first  generation  —  the  journals,  prayers,  and  verses  of 
Handley  Chipman  (1717-99),  son  of  a  Massachusetts  judge 
and  a  descendant  of  the  first  man  to  set  foot  in  Ply- 
mouth —  are  all  devotional  in  tone.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  the  booksellers  of  Halifax  printed  little  but 
sermons.  Similar  to  those  published  elsewhere,  these  reflect 
the  culture  and  theology  of  New  England  and,  more  partic- 
ularly, of  Harvard  College. 

Congregationalism,  practically  an  established  form  of 
worship,  inevitably  challenged  dissent  among  a  people  who 
were  instinctively  dissenters.  After  the  Migration  the 
revolt,  begun  under  Whitefield,  spread  to  the  Maritime 
Provinces,  and  there  transformed  the  ideals  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. Of  this  change  an  adequate  picture  has  been  pre- 
served. Among  the  emigrants  from  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
who  joined  the  northward  movement  in  1760  was  a  family 
of  Allines.  With  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Alline  went  their  son  Henry 
(1748-84),  whose  career  reflects  the  religious  disturbances  of 
the  period.  As  a  lad  he  had  been  oppressed  by  a  sense  of  sin 
and  a  fear  of  hell.  In  his  Life  and  Journal  (1806),  published 
long  after  his  death,  is  a  vivid  description  of  the  tortures  of 
his  youth.  After  moving  to  Nova  Scotia  he  tried  to  find 
solace  in  the  "  frolics  "  and  "  young  company  "  which  he 
had  been  taught  to  regard  as  pitfalls  to  his  soul.  Although 
overcome  with  remorse  after  every  entertainment,  he  con- 
tinued to  yield  to  temptation:  "  No  sooner  would  I  hear  the 
music  and  drink  a  glass  of  wine  but  I  would  find  my  mind 
elevated,  and  soon  proceed  to  any  sort  of  merriment  or  di- 
version that  I  thought  was  not  debauched  or  openly  vi- 
cious. ..."  Since  he  had  acquired  a  position  of  leadership 
in  the  social  life  of  the  village,  he  felt  it  necessary  to  assume 
an  interest  in  the  gaieties  of  Falmouth.  Each  effort  left  him 
in  more  pitiable  condition.  His  conscience,  he  confesses, 
would  "  roar  "  day  and  night.    The  only  sin,  however,  of 


12  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

which  he  specifically  accuses  himself  is  the  fact  that  he  once 
returned  after  midnight.  On  pleading  that  he  had  been 
guilty  of  nothing  criminal,  his  mother,  in  true  maternal 
fashion,  replied  that  "  it  was  opening  a  door  that  would 
soon  lead  me  to  it;  and  that  she  expected  nothing  less 
but,  if  I  continued,  I  should  soon  be  guilty  of  almost  every 
vice  and  eternally  ruined  both  in  soul  and  body."  Indeed, 
the  good  woman  seemed  to  take  no  little  pleasure  in  the 
thought  that  she  would  be  a  witness  against  him  on  the 
Last  Day. 

A  little  later  he  was  converted.  His  description  of  the 
phenomenon  which  preceded  his  conversion  is  not  unlike 
that  given  by  Saul:  "  There  appeared,  as  I  thought,  a  large 
blaze  of  light  in  the  shape  of  a  circle,  with  that  side  next  to 
me  open  as  though  it  yawned  after  me.  Then  [it]  broke  in 
small  sparkles,  and  vanished  away."  On  returning  home, 
crying  for  mercy,  he  endured  a  form  of  temptation  familiar 
to  readers  of  religious  autobiographies:  "  I  had  not  been 
long  in  my  room  before  there  was  represented  to  my  view  a 
beautiful  woman  —  one  whom  I  had  seen  before,  but  had  no 
great  acquaintance  with  —  and  the  happiness  that  I  thought 
I  might  enjoy  with  her  stole  away  my  affections  from  think- 
ing much  of  God  or  of  my  state.  The  Devil  told  me  that  I 
might  not  commit  any  sin  for  to  enjoy  her;  that  I  might 
marry  her,  which  was  lawful.  Yea,  I  so  acquiesced  in  the 
temptation  that  my  affections  were  after  her,  and  she  ap- 
peared the  most  beautiful  object  that  ever  I  beheld."  Re- 
covering from  this  experience,  he  was  overcome  by  the 
thought  that  he  had  committed  the  unpardonable  sin.  While 
in  the  company  of  several  young  women  he  had  joined  them 
in  derision  of  the  worshippers  awaiting  the  manifestation  of 
the  Spirit.  This  levity  threw  him  into  profound  despair,  and 
induced,  as  with  Bunyan,  great  travail  of  soul.  Gradually, 
however,  he  rose  from  the  pall  that  enveloped  him  into  the 
full  light  of  service.  With  the  connected  narrative  of  his 
early  doubts  and  fears  his  autobiography  ends. 


THE  PRE-REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD  13 

It  was  to  have  been  supplemented  by  an  account  of  his 
ministry;  but  illness  prevented  him  from  completing  the 
task,  and  the  story  of  his  ministrations  must  be  derived 
from  the  Journal.  After  his  conversion  he  felt  compelled  to 
preach,  and  so  took  ship  for  Boston  to  perfect  his  education. 
As  the  vessel  was  seized  at  Cornwallis,  he  accepted  his  return 
to  the  smallpox-infected  village  as  providential,  and  im- 
mediately began  his  career  as  an  evangelist  —  a  career  that 
covered  the  troubled  period  of  the  Revolution. 

The  feelings  of  the  people  of  Nova  Scotia  at  this  time  can 
hardly  be  fathomed.  By  birth  and  tradition  they  were 
closely  connected  with  the  Revolutionists  of  the  Old  Col- 
onies. The  English  Government,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
treated  them  generously;  and  to  this  fact  it  probably  owed 
their  neutrality  or  support.  Many  of  the  settlers  on  the 
St.  John,  it  is  true,  were  openly  disaffected.  Large  numbers, 
on  the  contrary,  appear  to  have  been  sincerely  attached  to 
the  royal  cause.  Their  loyalty  seems  to  have  been  due 
partly  to  the  religious  zeal  that  was  translating  the  formality 
of  New  England  Congregationalism  into  the  tents  of  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah.  The  King's  emissaries,  who  undoubtedly 
took  full  advantage  of  this  coolness,  were  therefore  respon- 
sible for  a  characteristic  bit  of  writing.  "  About  this  time," 
remarks  Alline,  "  I  was  solicited  by  some  of  the  officers  to 
put  in  for  a  commission  in  the  militia.  I  utterly  refused 
to  take  one  step  in  pursuit  of  it.  Yet,  after  this,  when  I  got 
a  little  in  the  dark,  I  began  to  wish  that  I  had  taken  it;  for 
that  grandeur  and  esteem  of  the  world,  which  the  Devil  and 
my  own  corrupt  nature  suggested  I  might  obtain  by  success 
in  a  few  years,  began  to  look  pleasant  to  me  like  Eve's 
apples,  pleasant  to  the  eyes,  and  a  fruit  to  be  desired." 

Rejecting  this  temptation,  he  enlisted  definitely  under 
"  the  banner  of  Jesus  Christ,"  and  his  diary  henceforth  is  a 
record  of  his  services  to  the  "  Great  King."  Most  of  the 
details  are  of  mere  local  interest.  Halifax  was  very  "  dark," 
Prince  Edward  Island  contained  but  three  Christians.    The 


14  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Journal  bears  witness,  nevertheless,  to  Alline's  power  over 
the  hearts  of  men.  All  contemporaries  insist  on  his  elo- 
quence and  the  charm  of  his  personality.  Through  the  suc- 
cess of  his  missions  the  orthodox  churches  were  practically 
deserted;  and  by  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  Congrega- 
tionalism as  an  active  force  no  longer  existed.  Though 
Alline  never  formally  abandoned  the  faith  of  his  parents, 
its  sincerity  and  its  narrowness  henceforth  served  to  stim- 
ulate, and  to  confine,  the  activities  of  its  heirs,  the  New 
Lights  —  afterwards  the  Baptists  of  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces. His  autobiography,  therefore,  is  important  not  be- 
cause it  contains  the  record  of  an  individual  conversion  but 
because  it  portrays  a  change  that  transformed  the  life  of  the 
whole  community,  and  has  since  exerted  a  profound  in- 
fluence on  religious  thought  and  feeling. 

Amid  the  turmoil  of  the  Revolutionary  War  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Nova  Scotia  maintained  their  interest  in  spiritual 
concerns.  As  their  most  voluminous  writer,  Henry  Alline, 
"  the  Whitefield  of  the  Province,"  as  he  has  been  aptly 
called,  has  a  place  in  a  survey  of  the  time.  His  work  — 
that  of  a  simple,  uneducated,  God-fearing  man — is  the  most 
striking  memorial  of  the  excitement  due  to  his  ministry. 
In  its  course  he  wrote  a  pamphlet,  The  Antitraditwnist, 
and  a  doctrinal  thesis,  Two  Mites  (1781),  which  is  in- 
teresting because  it  involved  him  in  controversy  with  the 
leaders  of  the  orthodox  churches,  and  thus  links  his  name 
with  the  founders  of  the  principal  Canadian  denominations. 
These  volumes,  however,  have  none  of  the  pathetic  appeal 
of  the  Life,  and  are  surpassed  by  the  five  books  of  Hymns 
and  Spiritual  Songs,  published  in  17S6,  and  reprinted  in 
1802,  which  continued  to  be  sung  long  after  his  death. 
Though  no  one  will  credit  them  with  any  particular  merit, 
their  simplicity  and  directness  occasionally  transcend  the 
barriers  of  the  artificial  diction.  Some  of  the  verses  indeed 
show  a  finely  developed  lyrical  sense;  and  one  song  at  least — 
the  stanzas  beginning, 


THE  PRE-REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD  1 5 

Amazing  sight!  the  Savior  stands 
And  knocks  at  every  door  — 

has  long  held  a  place  in  the  hymnology  of  the  church. 

Of  the  writers  of  Alline's  school  the  only  name  which  has 
survived  is  that  of  Benjamin  Cleveland  (1733-90),  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Nova  Scotia  branch  of  the  Cleveland  family. 
Among  the  hymns  in  his  collection  the  most  popular  are  the 
lines : 

O  could  I  find  from  day  to  day 
A  nearness  to  my  God. 

In  prose  and  verse,  therefore,  Alline's  work,  surpassing  in 
human  interest  that  of  all  his  contemporaries,  is  the  most 
vital  evidence  of  the  theological  revolt  that  tended  to  unify, 
and  also  to  isolate,  the  Puritan  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia. 

By  religious  and  political  schism  they  were  separated 
from  the  Old  Colonies;  by  distance  and  dissimilar  ideals, 
from  the  English-speaking  people  of  Canada.  The  former 
they  regarded  with  coolness;  the  latter,  with  anxious 
suspicion.  In  spite  of  the  ubiquitous  Yankee  trader,  the 
officials  of  Quebec,  bringing  with  them  English  manners  and 
English  prejudices,  retained  intact  their  national  char- 
acteristics. The  small  society  which  revolved  around  Gov- 
ernment House  looked  to  the  Motherland  for  inspiration. 
From  England  came  the  first  press  —  bought,  it  is  true,  by  a 
couple  of  Philadelphia  speculators  —  to  print  the  official 
Gazette  (1763) ;  and  to  England  for  publication  went  the  few 
books  written  by  the  little  group  of  exiles.  Of  these  volumes 
the  only  ones  remembered  are  the  novels  of  Mrs.  Frances 
Brooke  (1745-89)  and  the  works  of  Francis  Maseres 
(1731-1824). 

After  her  marriage  in  1756  Mrs.  Brooke  accompanied  her 
husband,  a  garrison  chaplain,  to  his  post  at  Quebec.  The 
first  fruit  of  her  residence  in  America  was  the  flamboyant 
The  History  of  Lady  Julia  Mandeville  (1763),  with  its  ex- 
travagant descriptions  of  Canadian  scenery.    In  1769  she 


1 6  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

gave  further  recognition  to  her  relationship  with  Canada  by- 
dedicating  The  History  of  Emily  Montague  to  Guy  Carle  ton, 
Governor  of  Quebec.  The  Montmorency  and  the  St.  Law- 
rence are  thus  associated  with  the  English  Romantic  Move- 
ment. It  is  unwise,  however,  to  consider  Mrs.  Brooke's 
novels  as  in  any  way  connected  with  the  development  of 
Canadian  literature. 

The  works  of  Maseres  likewise  have  not  affected  suc- 
ceeding writers.  As  Attorney- General  of  Quebec  and, 
afterwards,  Agent  of  the  Protestant  Settlers,  he  is,  never- 
theless, one  of  the  notable  figures  of  the  period.  A  great 
scholar,  a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  the  friend  of  Burke, 
whose  ideas  he  shared,  he  is  introduced  by  Lamb  in  his 
essay  "  The  Old  Benchers  of  the  Inner  Temple."  Aside 
from  this  reference  he  is  known  chiefly  by  the  three  volumes 
of  The  Canadian  Freeholder  (1777-79),  m  which  he  advo- 
cated the  repeal  of  the  Quebec  and  Boston  Charter  Acts. 
The  devotion  to  Canadian  affairs  indicated  by  these  dia- 
logues may  be  gauged  from  the  fact  that  of  thirty-three 
titles  credited  to  him  by  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biog- 
raphy six  deal  with  American  questions.  Yet  his  work, 
like  Mrs.  Brooke's,  and  even  Alline's,  is  a  mere  incident  in 
the  evolution  of  Canadian  literature.  The  main  stream 
does  not  begin  until  the  Revolution. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  AND  THE  SCOTCH 

MIGRATION 

Nothing  has  ever  created  more  acrimonious  discussion 
than  the  attitude  of  the  Tories  during  the  American  Revo- 
lution. In  the  United  States  they  have  been  universally  ex- 
ecrated; in  Canada  they  have  been  universally  idealized. 
In  each  case  their  motives  and  their  actions  have  been  ob- 
scured by  tradition.  South  of  the  Great  Lakes  they  have 
been  represented  as  ruffians,  marauders,  and  oppressors  in 
an  unrighteous  war;  north  of  them  they  have  been  por- 
trayed as  gentlemen,  heroes,  and  martyrs  in  a  noble  cause. 
Both  views  are  undoubtedly  wrong:  as  usual,  the  truth  lies 
somewhere  between  the  two  extremes.  Unfortunately,  old 
animosities  and  old  prejudices,  now  almost  obliterated, 
have  long  made  it  difficult  to  discuss  impartially  the  details 
of  the  struggle.  In  estimating  here  its  influence  on  Cana- 
dian life  and  literature  it  is  possible,  in  general,  to  avoid 
controversy,  and  to  deal  entirely  with  questions  of  fact  — 
with  the  number,  the  position,  the  aims,  and  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  Tories  and  their  political  heirs,  the  United 
Empire  Loyalists. 

The  strength  and  character  of  those  who  contested  the 
radical  propaganda  of  the  Whigs  are  no  longer  subjects  of 
debate.  In  recent  years  scholars  have  shown  that  it  is  mis- 
leading to  speak  of  the  formation  of  a  distinct  party  at- 
tached to  the  Crown;  that  loyalty  was  the  normal  and 
general  attitude ;  and  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, the  people  of  the  American  Colonies  were  sincerely 
devoted  to  the  principle  of  union.  With  actual  bloodshed 
there  was  bound  to  be  a  realignment,  but  at  no  time  does 

17 


1 8  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

there  seem  to  have  been  a  fixed  majority  in  favor  of  in- 
dependence. As  records  show,  the  masses  everywhere 
shifted  indifferently  from  side  to  side  with  the  ebb  and 
flow  of  military  operations.  Large  numbers,  on  the  other 
hand,  consistently  espoused  the  royal  cause.  It  was  sup- 
ported, as  a  matter  of  course,  by  those  who  had  no  quarrel 
with  society,  who  were  satisfied  with  conditions  as  they 
were.  "  The  aristocracy  of  culture,  of  dignified  professions 
and  callings,  of  official  rank  and  hereditary  wealth  "  was, 
in  large  measure,  found  among  the  Tories.  "  A  clear  major- 
ity "  of  "  clergymen,  physicians,  lawyers,  and  teachers  " 
were  "  set  against  the  ultimate  measures  of  the  Revolution." 
Not  all  these  by  any  means  were  active  supporters  of  the 
Crown;  but  from  their  ranks  over  "  50,000  soldiers  . .  .  were 
drawn  into  the  service  of  Great  Britain." 

Happily,  it  is  needless  to  turn  to  the  ensuing  campaigns 
with  their  miserable  record  of  fire  and  pillage.  In  the  news- 
papers and  pamphlets  of  the  time,  however,  another  kind  of 
warfare,  which  cannot  be  ignored,  was  conducted  with 
equal  ferocity.  Anyone  who  is  interested  in  its  progress  will 
find  it  epitomized  in  Tyler's  Literary  History  of  the  American 
Revolution,  from  which  I  have  already  quoted.  So  far  as 
they  affect  this  chapter,  the  author's  conclusions  are  un- 
doubtedly correct.  At  first  the  Loyalists,  believing  that  the 
legality  of  imperial  taxation  could  be  determined  without 
an  appeal  to  arms,  and  that  the  future  of  the  race  would  be 
jeopardized  by  disunion,  strove,  with  evident  sincerity,  to 
convert  their  opponents.  Since  they  belonged  "  in  many 
cases  to  the  oldest,  the  wealthiest,  most  dignified  families 
in  the  country,"  and  since  they  were  "  accustomed  always 
to  take  the  lead  in  their  several  colonies,  they,  of  course, 
looked  down  with  contempt  and  disgust  upon  the  whole 
Revolution  as  a  thoroughly  plebeian  movement."  Under 
these  circumstances  the  controversial  period  was  neces- 
sarily of  short  duration.  With  the  opening  of  hostilities 
argument  gave  place  to  invective.     Both  sides  evidently 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  1 9 

felt,  with  Jonathan  Odell,  that  the  time  for  discussion  had 
passed.  In  spite  of  threats  and  entreaties  the  chief  feature  of 
this  literary  strife  was  the  development  in  prose  and  verse 
of  the  satiric  temper  bound  to  emerge  from  a  chaos  of  cen- 
trifugal ideas  and  opinions.  In  the  case  of  the  Tory  pro- 
tagonists this  development  was  inevitable.  When  men  are 
assured  of  the  justice  of  their  cause  and  the  sordidness  of 
their  enemies,  ridicule  is  a  natural  mode  of  attack.  In  the 
eighteenth  century,  moreover,  America  was  still  dominated 
by  the  art  of  Dryden  and  Pope.  The  heroic  couplet  as  em- 
ployed by  Churchill,  whose  meteor-like  career  lit  up  the 
drawing-rooms  of  New  York  as  well  as  the  coffee-houses 
of  London,  became  the  model  of  its  controversialists.  His 
success  impressed  his  force,  his  ruthlessness,  and  his  brutality 
on  Revolutionary  verse  and,  through  it,  on  Canadian  poetry. 
Through  the  Loyalists  the  literary  ideals  of  New  England, 
which  were  still  those  of  the  Old  Land,  were  carried  into 
Acadia  and  the  Canadas. 

For  obvious  reasons  the  details  of  their  emigration,  one  of 
the  most  striking  episodes  of  history,  are  practically  un- 
known. In  the  United  States  attention  has  been  focused  on 
the  problems  of  reconstruction;  in  Canada,  where  research 
is  limited,  myth  has  taken  the  place  of  fact.  Except  in  their 
own  homesteads,  where  family  pride  has  occasionally  pre- 
served a  few  relics  of  their  genius,  their  actual  achievements 
are  forgotten  as  a  dead  man  out  of  mind.  Of  their  number 
and  position,  however,  there  is  adequate  record.  At  the 
close  of  the  Revolution  over  one  hundred  thousand  citizens 
of  the  Old  Colonies  took  refuge  in  British  territory  —  in 
Nova  Scotia,  in  Canada,  in  the  West  Indies,  or  in  Great 
Britain.  Among  them  were  many  who  could  ill  be  spared. 
John  Adams,  who  had  no  reason  to  exaggerate,  estimated 
that  over  "  one-third  of  the  influential  characters  "  joined 
in  the  exodus.  It  included,  of  course,  all  those  who  had 
taken  an  active  part  against  Congress.  After  the  conclusion 
of  peace  the  victors  determined  to  make  the  Tories  "  pay  for 


20  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

the  war."  To  this  end  Confiscation  Acts  were  passed  by  the 
colonial  assemblies.  Prominent  men  who  favored  the 
Mother  Country  were  proscribed;  others  less  prominent 
were  handed  over  to  the  mercies  of  the  rabble.  Of  the  three 
hundred  Massachusetts  men  singled  out  for  banishment 
it  is  significant  that  sixty  were  graduates  of  Harvard, 
and  that  the  list  reads  "  like  the  beadroll  of  the  oldest  and 
noblest  families  concerned  in  the  founding  and  upbuilding 
of  New  England  civilization."  And  what  is  true  of  Massa- 
chusetts is  true,  to  a  great  extent,  of  all  the  Northern  Col- 
onies and,  to  some  extent,  of  the  Southern.  Although  this 
campaign  of  persecution  was  openly  countenanced  by 
Washington,  it  was  opposed  by  Alexander  Hamilton  and 
other  statesmen  who  labored  for  conciliation.  One,  John  Jay, 
who  cannot  be  accused  of  any  lack  of  patriotism,  charged 
his  countrymen  with  "  an  unnecessary  rigor  and  unmanly 
revenge  without  a  parallel  except  in  the  annals  of  religious 
bigotry  and  blindness."  Whether  his  charge  be  true  or  false 
does  not  alter  the  facts:  the  vast  majority  of  the  Tory 
leaders  were  driven  into  exile. 

Of  these  the  greater  number  went  into  contiguous  terri- 
tory. By  1786  there  were  thirty  thousand  refugees  in  Aca- 
dia, ten  thousand  in  Quebec,  and  twenty  thousand  in  what 
is  now  Ontario.  The  movement,  begun  after  the  evacuation 
of  Boston,  when  one  hundred  and  seventy  ships  left  the  Bay 
for  Nova  Scotia,  added  materially  to  the  population  of  Brit- 
ish North  America.  In  a  few  months  Halifax  rose  from  a 
town  of  three  thousand  to  a  city  of  ten  thousand  people.  At 
Shelburne,  another  Loyalist  centre,  which  could  boast  of 
three  newspapers,  as  many  more  were  supported  by  the 
Imperial  Government.  In  Nova  Scotia  33,682, according  to  a 
copy  of  the  Royal  Saint  John  Gazette,  were  dependent  on  the 
Administration.  As  late  as  1785  twenty-six  thousand  were 
drawing  rations.  So  general  was  the  influx  that,  aside  from 
nine  million  dollars  expended  for  relief  in  Acadia  and  Upper 
Canada,  thirty  million  dollars  were  paid  to  the  people  of 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  21 

these  districts  in  compensation  for  their  losses.  In  addition 
to  the  Loyalists  who  went  directly  from  New  England  and 
the  South  to  the  shores  of  the  St.  John  or  the  St.  Lawrence, 
many  who  first  sailed  to  England  eventually  joined  their 
friends  and  relatives.  Most  of  those  whose  names  occur  in 
these  pages  followed  this  triangular  itinerary. 

In  Nova  Scotia  at  least  the  refugees  represented  the 
highest  traditions  of  American  culture.  With  two  hundred 
graduates  of  Harvard  who  removed  to  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces were  large  contingents  from  younger  institutions. 
Exact  figures  are  not  available,  but  an  examination  of  all 
accessible  material  indicates  that  the  percentage  of  emigres 
among  Harvard  men  was  equalled  by  the  alumni  of  other 
colleges.  Thanks  to  the  uncompromising  attitude  of  the 
Whigs,  Canada  was  provided  with  an  educated  class  seldom 
found  in  a  pioneer  community.  Many  of  the  clergy  had  been 
leaders  in  their  respective  denominations;  many  of  the  bar- 
risters had  been  justices  and  chief  justices  in  their  native 
states.  Of  the  five  judges  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts four  were  Loyalists.  James  Putnam  (1729-89),  a 
Harvard  man  reputed  to  be  the  ablest  lawyer  in  America, 
became  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nova  Scotia.  To 
the  professional  classes  must  be  added  the  civil  and  military 
officials  who  naturally  supported  the  Crown.  The  Mari- 
time Provinces  thus  received  a  large  accession  of  desirable 
residents.  Even  the  rank  and  file  —  men  of  the  loyal  regi- 
ments —  appear  to  have  been  respectable  citizens.  The 
result  was  a  homogeneous  community,  unique  in  origin, 
with  a  local  pride  not  found  in  other  sections. 

In  Upper  Canada  conditions  were  altogether  different. 
Aside  from  a  few  prominent  families  the  Overland  Loyalists 
of  the  Niagara  Peninsula  were  drawn,  as  a  rule,  from  the 
humbler  ranks  of  society.  Ignorant,  and  with  few  interests 
beyond  their  farms,  they  were  easily  exploited  by  their 
more  experienced  and  less  scrupulous  brethren  who  travelled 
westward  along  the  Great  Waterways.     With  the  latter 


22  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

thronged  the  camp  followers  who  accompany  any  vast  mi- 
gration. Cheap  lands  and  opportunities  of  preying  upon 
others  led  thousands  of  illiterate  adventurers  to  cross  the 
Frontier.  With  their  taverns  and  trading  posts  they  were 
to  be  found  at  every  crossroad.  Harmful  as  was  their  pres- 
ence in  the  older  territory,  it  was  in  Upper  Canada  that  their 
influence  was  most  perceptible.  To  the  predominance  of 
this  element  is  due  the  intellectual  sterility  of  Ontario. 

Other  causes,  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  operated  in  both 
Canada  and  Acadia.  Defeat  left  the  Loyalists  stunned  and 
hopeless.  "  When  American  Independence  was  announced 
to  me,"  wrote  Jacob  Bailey,  of  whom  I  shall  have  something 
more  to  say,  "  I  was  sitting  in  my  study  and  employed  in 
reading;  but  the  instant  this  disagreeable  sound  struck  my 
ears  I  continued  motionless,  frozen  with  horror,  for  the  space 
of  ten  minutes.  .  .  .  During  the  night  I  enjoyed  but  little 
respose.  Interrupted  slumbers,  distressing  dreams,  and 
visions  of  terror  were  my  constant  attendants  till  the  morn- 
ing opened  with  a  sullen  and  malignant  light  to  renew  a 
train  of  melancholy  reflections."  Anyone  who  reads  his 
account  of  exile  will  wonder  not  that  so  little,  but  that  so 
much,  was  accomplished.  Hunger,  cold,  and  disease  left 
their  impress  on  body  and  mind.  It  is  true  that  after  the 
first  winter  with  its  tale  of  death  by  starvation,  exposure, 
and  smallpox  the  doles  of  the  Cabinet  led  to  a  semblance  of 
prosperity;  but  the  bands  that  played  daily  on  the  Prom- 
enade at  Shelburne,  the  "  hapless  port  of  Roseway,"  dis- 
appeared with  imperial  support.  And  with  it  went  the 
inhabitants  to  whom  the  Land  of  Promise  had  become  the 
"  Nova  Scarcity  "  of  Whig  delight. 

It  is  hard  to  be  heroic  on  an  empty  stomach;  and  cer- 
tainly in  the  life  of  these  exiles  there  is  much  that  is  unheroic. 
Their  letters  are  Tilled  with  complaints  against  the  Adminis- 
tration, with  mutual  recriminations,  and  with  attacks  on  the 
Puritan  settlers,  with  whose  ideals  they  were  often  at  odds. 
The  dominant  note  is  despair;  despair  at  the  past,  despair 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  23 

at  the  present,  and  despair  at  the  future.  Tradition  among 
their  descendants,  it  is  true,  has  represented  the  Loyalists 
as  eager  founders  of  a  new  province  where  they  could  main- 
tain the  flag  of  England  in  America.  If  they  intended  to 
establish  another  English-speaking  nation,  they  took  strange 
pains  to  conceal  their  intention.  They  have  left  no  evidence 
of  any  such  desire.  Most  of  them  were  compelled  by  official 
or  unofficial  persecution  to  leave  the  Old  Colonies;  and  they 
looked  forward  persistently  to  the  time  when  they  could 
return.  In  its  restricted  sense  the  term  United  Empire 
Loyalists  is  a  misnomer. 

Next  to  this  feeling  of  despair,  which  was  embittered, 
curiously  enough,  by  resentment  against  Great  Britain,  the 
arch-betrayer  of  their  fortunes,  the  most  characteristic  trait 
of  their  literature  is  homesickness.  As  exiles  in  an  inhos- 
pitable climate  they  turned  their  eyes  wistfully  to  the  bor- 
ders of  New  England.  Old  loyalties  as  well  as  old  animosities 
remained.  The  men  of  Halifax  hated  the  Whigs,  but  they 
loved  Boston.  Even  after  the  New  Provinces  had  acquired 
importance,  and  the  continuance  of  the  Proscriptive  Acts, 
which  were  not  repealed  until  after  the  War  of  181 2,  had 
destroyed  all  hope  of  return,  the  love  of  their  native  land  was 
still  strong.  One  sentence  from  the  Journal  of  Jacob  Bailey 
depicts,  as  nothing  else  that  I  know,  the  temper  of  the 
refugees,  their  despair  and  their  homesickness.  "  The 
thoughts,"  he  writes,  "of  being  driven  from  our  country,  our 
much  loved  home,  and  all  those  endearing  connections  we 
had  been  forming  for  so  many  years,  and,  if  we  escaped  the 
angry  vengeance  of  the  ocean,  the  expectation  of  landing  on 
a  strange  and  unknown  shore  depressed  our  spirits  beyond 
measure."  Everywhere  the  mood  of  this  passage  is  redu- 
plicated. Jonathan  Sewell  (1766-1839),  son  of  the  Attorney- 
General  of  Massachusetts  —  whose  mother  was  a  Quincy, 
and  whose  wife  was  a  sister-in-law  of  John  Hancock  — 
wrote  to  his  friend,  Ward  Chipman,  of  New  Brunswick: 
"  You  know  the  Israelites  hankered  after  the  leeks  and 


24  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

onions  of  Egypt,  their  native  land.  So  do  we  Americans 
after  the  nuts,  cranberries,  and  apples  of  America.  Cannot 
.  .  .  you  send  me  two  or  three  barrels  of  Newton  Pippins, 
large  and  sound,  a  few  of  our  American  walnuts  commonly 
called  shagbarks  .  .  .  and  a  few  cranberries  ?  '  The  same 
idea  was  expressed  succintly,  if  more  prosaically,  by  John 
Coffin  (1756-1838),  who,  with  his  cousins  —  all  Harvard 
men  —  rose  to  distinction  in  the  service  of  Great  Britain. 
In  reply  to  a  friend's  comment  on  the  progress  made  by  the 
western  half  of  Nova  Scotia,  which  had  received  a  separate 
charter,  he  remarked,  "  I  would  give  more  for  one  pork  bar- 
rel made  in  Massachusetts  than  for  all  that  have  been  made 
in  New  Brunswick  since  its  settlement."  And  his  seems  to 
have  been  the  universal  opinion. 

Though  it  dominates  all  the  prose,  it  finds  fullest  expres- 
sion in  verse.  One  of  these  poems  of  exile  is  familiar  to 
American  readers.  Its  author  was  Joseph  Stansbury  (1740- 
1809),  an  Englishman  who  emigrated  to  Philadelphia,  where 
he  seems  to  have  relieved  the  tedium  of  business  by  various 
diversions.  His  quickness  in  repartee,  his  knack  of  versifica- 
tion, and  his  skill  as  a  musician  at  once  made  him  popular. 
Indeed,  he  was  altogether  too  cheerful  for  his  own  good. 
While  advocating  constitutional  opposition  to  the  exactions 
of  the  Cabinet,  he  never  ceased  to  preach  the  doctrine  of 
racial  unity.  His  social  instincts  rather  than  his  birth  made 
him  a  Tory :  in  1 776  it  was  reported  that  he  "sung  '  God  Save 
the  King '  in  his  house,  and  that  a  number  of  persons  present 
bore  him  the  chorus."  To  this  exhibition  of  loyalty  he  owed 
his  banishment  and  subsequent  flight  to  New  York,  where 
he  added  materially  to  the  pleasures  of  the  metropolis.  At 
no  time  did  he  evince  any  resentment  towards  his  persecu- 
tors. When  peace  was  concluded,  he  was  ready  to  forget 
the  past: 

Now  this  war  at  length  is  o'er, 
Let  us  think  of  it  no  more; 
Every  party  lie  or  name 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  25 

Banish  as  our  mutual  shame; 
Bid  each  wound  of  faction  close, 
Blushing  we  were  ever  foes. 

Unluckily  for  him,  his  enemies  thought  otherwise.  On  set- 
tling in  New  Jersey,  he  was  seized  and  thrown  into  jail. 
Paroled  on  condition  that  he  leave  the  state  within  nine 
days,  he  was  compelled,  in  order  to  avoid  recapture,  to  take 
passage  for  Shelbume,  where  he  spent  the  next  two  years. 
Of  his  feelings  during  this  period  of  exile  he  has  left  a  touch- 
ing record  in  the  poem  "  To  Cordelia,"  to  which  I  have 
alluded.   "  Believe  me,"  he  says,  addressing  his  wife, 

Believe  me,  Love,  this  vagrant  life 

O'er  Nova  Scotia's  wilds  to  roam, 
While  far  from  children,  friends,  or  wife, 

Or  place  that  I  can  call  a  home, 
Delights  not  me:  —  another  way 

My  treasures,  pleasures,  wishes  lay. 

In  piercing,  wet,  and  wintry  skies, 

Where  man  would  seem  in  vain  to  toil, 

I  see,  where'er  I  turn  my  eyes, 

Luxuriant  pasture,  trees,  and  foil. 

Uncharmed  I  see:  —  another  way 

My  fondest  hopes  and  wishes  lay. 

I  quote  these  stanzas  because  they  contain  two  of  the 
insistent  notes  of  Loyalist  poetry  and  also  because  the  poem 
itself  is  generally  regarded  as  among  the  best  of  its  time. 
Several  lines  have  a  simplicity  and  grace  seldom  found  in 
early  American  verse.  On  the  other  hand  its  author,  though 
reflecting  the  sentiments  of  his  party,  was  not  a  typical 
refugee.  In  the  first  place,  he  was  an  Englishman.  In  the 
second  place,  he  eventually  returned  to  his  adopted  country, 
where,  after  ten  years  of  persecution,  he  was  again  allowed 
to  strum  his  songs  in  the  club  rooms  of  New  York. 

The  two  chords  which  he  strikes  so  clearly  reecho  in  the 
writings  of  a  man  who  was  in  every  respect  a  typical  Loyal- 


26  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

ist.  Jacob  Bailey,  a  clergyman  from  whose  Journal  I  have 
already  quoted,  was  a  voluminous  writer  of  prose  and  verse. 
Most  of  his  poems  —  lyrical,  dramatic,  and  narrative,  all 
more  or  less  tinged  by  political  bitterness  —  have  probably 
been  lost.  One,  among  others,  remains  in  mutilated  form. 
On  his  expulsion  from  Kennebec  in  1779  he  composed  "A 
Farewell "  of  about  forty  stanzas.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  they  are  disfigured  by  false  rhymes  and  conventional 
phrases,  they  excel  the  average  verse  of  the  period.  As 
Bailey  was  a  man  of  cultivated  tastes,  the  owner  of  one  of 
the  most  famous  gardens  in  New  England,  his  lines  show  a 
feeling  for  Nature  that  is  almost  unique  in  Revolutionary 
literature.    One  of  his  descriptive  touches  —  When  day 

Darted  his  horizontal  ray 

To  stain  the  distant  hills  — 

I  am  inclined  to  rank  with  the  finest  verse  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  In  conception  and  arrangement,  if  not  in  execu- 
tion, the  poem  surpasses  all  the  partisan  satires  and  ballads. 
Wandering  through  his  garden,  the  poet  takes  leave  of  his 
beloved  flowers.    At  dawn,  he  says,  as  he  addresses  them, 

My  cares  were  fixed  on  you. 
Early  in  the  morning  he  hurried  out, 

To  mark  the  progress  of  your  growth 
Amidst  the  glittering  dew. 

At  evening,  when  the  sun  was  declining  on  the  hills,  he  con- 
tinued his  ministrations.    Now  the  joy  is  gone : 

Adieu  to  all  my  pleasing  toil : 

No  more  to  smooth  the  rugged  soil 

I  spend  the  happy  hours; 
No  more  employ  my  hand  and  care 
Along  the  winding  path  to  rear 

The  tender,  smiling  flowers. 

With  lingering  regret  he  passes  the  rose,  the  "  humble 
crocus,"  the  first  to  rear  its  head   "  amidst  surrounding 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  27 

snows,"  the  columbine,  the  pink,  the  "  spotted  lily,"  the 
pansy,  the  violet,  and  last  —  above  them  all  -  -  the  gorgeous 
sunflower, 

Erect  and  towering  to  the  skies, 

Shaggy  and  rough  to  sense, 
He  stares  with  round  expanded  face 
Full  on  the  sun's  meridian  rays, 

Picture  of  impudence. 

From  it  his  eyes  wander  to  the  trees  he  has  planted,  to  the 
"  House  of  Prayer  "  glinting  through  the  leaves,  and  to  the 
churchyard  where  his  children  lie  buried.  Every  detail  is 
subordinated  to,  and  harmonized  with,  his  grief  at  leaving 
a  spot  consecrated  by  toil,  by  happiness,  and  by  sorrow.  In 
theme  at  least  the  poem,  which  should  be  contrasted  with 
his  bitter  lines: 

Adieu,  adieu  to  politics 
And  all  the  curst  infernal  tricks 
Of  fools  and  ministers  who  strive 
To  make  rebellion  live  and  thrive  — 

is  a  notable  landmark.  That  it  was  regarded  in  its  day  as 
worthy  of  preservation  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  it  was 
turned  into  pentameters  by  Samuel  Peters  (1 735-1826), 
who  found  it  equal  to  Pope  except  in  its  unfashionable 
metre,  which  he  attempted  to  rectify,  and  in  a  number  of 
similes  unrecognized  by  the  canons  of  the  time.1 

Although  full  of  personal  interest,  the  work  of  Stansbury 
and  Bailey  is  less  important  than  that  of  Jonathan  Odell 
(1 737-1818),  who  is  regarded  as  the  most  brilliant,  the  most 
powerful,  and  the  most  unrelenting  of  the  Tory  satirists. 
His  poems  carry  on  the  tradition  of  Dryden,  Pope,  and 

1  The  last  stanza  of  Peter's  version,  "  differenced  "  from  the  original,  is 
suggestive  of  the  changes  in  form  and  diction: 

Once  more  we  view  the  solemn  scenes  around; 
With  swelling  grief  my  partner  calls  to  mind 
Her  tender  babes  beneath  the  heaving  ground, 
And  weeps  to  leave  the  mouldering  dust  behind. 


28  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Churchill.  The  vindictiveness  of  his  political  verse,  which 
has  been  emphasized  by  critics,  reveals  only  one  side  of  his 
character.  If  it  is  true  that  he  used  the  heroic  couplet  with 
a  dash  and  vigor  attained  by  no  other  Revolutionary  writer 
except  Freneau,  and  that  he  stamped  his  conservative  ideas 
and  his  satiric  methods  on  Canadian  literature,  it  is  also 
true  that  he  was  a  poet  of  range  and  taste.  Aside  from  the 
satires  he  is  remembered  chiefly  by  his  "Ode  "  on  the  King's 
Birthday,  June  4,  1776,  "O'er  Britannia's  Happy  Land," 
which  is  parodied  in  "Hail  Columbia."  His  verses  "On  Mr. 
Pope's  Garden  at  Twickenham,"  which  show  another  phase 
of  his  nature,  point  directly  to  the  source  of  his  inspiration. 
In  his  writings,  on  the  contrary,  is  often  a  tenderness  seldom, 
or  never,  found  in  his  master's.  Amid  the  rancor  of  interne- 
cine warfare  he  could  turn  from  the  exigencies  of  the  conflict 
to  celebrate  the  birthday  of  his  five-year-old  daughter 
Molly.  The  lines: 

My  needle  and  my  book  employ 

The  busy  moments  of  my  day; 
And,  for  the  rest,  with  harmless  joy 

I  pass  them  in  a  round  of  play  — 

have  an  artlessness  that  it  is  hard  to  associate  with  the 
author  of  The  Dunciad. 

Odell's  ancestry  and  career  are  both  typical  of  the  party 
which  he  represented.  By  birth  he  was  connected  with  two 
of  the  oldest  colonial  families.  His  mother  was  a  daughter 
of  Jonathan  Dickinson,  first  president  of  Princeton  College. 
On  his  father's  side  he  was  descended  from  William  Odell, 
one  of  the  founders  of  Massachusetts  who  was  living  at  Con- 
cord in  1639.  Nearly  a  century  later  Jonathan  Odell  was 
born  at  Newark.  After  graduation  from  the  College  of 
New  Jersey  he  served  for  a  time  in  the  West  Indies  as  a  sur- 
geon in  the  regular  forces,  but  resigned  his  commission  and 
withdrew  to  England  to  take  orders.  Becoming  rector  of 
St.  Mary's  Parish,  Burlington,  in  his  native  province,  he 
soon  won  the  esteem  of  his  parishioners.    Until  mutterings 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  29 

of  rebellion  were  heard,  he  consistently  advocated  the 
claims  of  America.  When  party  lines  became  more  closely 
drawn,  he  sided  with  those  opposed  to  armed  resistance. 
Still,  he  took  no  active  part  in  the  conflict,  and  apparently 
wished  nothing  better  than  to  be  left  undisturbed  in  the 
performance  of  his  religious  duties.  This  was  denied  to  him. 
In  1777  he  was  driven  from  his  home  and  hunted  from  place 
to  place  until  he  reached  New  York,  where  his  arrival  was 
received  with  acclamation  by  the  assembled  Tories.  His 
ability  as  a  writer  of  prose  and  verse  at  once  gave  him  a 
distinguished  place  in  their  counsels.  He  became  chaplain 
to  one  of  the  Loyalist  regiments  and  a  contributor  to  the 
party  journals.  The  pen  thus  taken  up  was  never  laid  down 
until  he  sailed  for  England  at  the  close  of  the  war.  His 
residence  there  was  of  short  duration.  Like  many  who 
crossed  the  Atlantic  he  yearned  for  the  scenes  to  which 
he  had  been  accustomed.  In  a  few  months  he  was  back  in 
New  Brunswick,  where  he  continued,  as  he  was  permitted, 
the  duties  of  his  calling;  where  he  became  Provincial 
Secretary  and  a  member  of  the  Executive  Council;  and 
where  he  lived  to  see  his  family  rise  to  distinction  in  the 
public  service  of  the  country.  Though  he  was  not  a  great 
poet,  his  life  was  characteristic  of  the  Loyalists  to  whom 
nearly  two  million  Canadians  trace  their  origin.  He  was  too 
the  chief  spokesman  of  his  party.  Into  Canada  also  he  car- 
ried the  tradition  of  political  satire  and  the  couplet  of  Pope; 
and  these  he  left  as  a  heritage  to  succeeding  generations. 

His  skill  as  a  versifier  persisted  until  his  death.  On  May  6, 
1810,  when  over  seventy  years  of  age,  he  addressed  to  his 
wife  a  number  of  lines  entitled  "On  Our  Thirty-Ninth  Wed- 
ding Day."  Though  the  old  fire  has  died  out,  the  facility 
with  which  he  handled  his  favorite  measure  remains.  In 
the  "  safe  retreat  "  that  has  come  to  him  after  the  turmoil 
of  the  Revolution  he  is  reminded  of  another  haven  where 
they  may  find  rest  after  the  separation  that  must  soon 
take  place : 


30  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

With  what  emotions  do  I  see  a  wife 

And  children  smiling  with  affection  dear, 

And  think  how  sure  that  parting  and  how  near! 

•  ••••••• 

Then  let  this  verse  in  your  remembrance  live 
That,  when  from  life  released,  I  still  may  give 
A  token  of  my  love;  may  whisper  still*" 
Some  fault  to  shun,  some  duty  to  fulfill; 
May  prompt  your  sympathy  some  pain  to  share, 
Or  warn  you  of  some  pleasure  to  beware; 
Remind  you  that  the  Arrow's  silent  flight, 
Unseen  alike  at  noon  or  dead  of  night, 
Should  cause  no  perturbation  or  dismay, 
But  teach  you  to  enjoy  the  passing  day 
With  dutiful  tranquillity  of  mind, 
Active  and  vigilant  but  still  resigned. 
For  our  Redeemer  liveth;  and  we  know, 
How  or  wherever  parted  here  below, 
His  faithful  servants,  in  the  Realm  above, 
Shall  meet  again  as  heirs  of  his  eternal  love. 

Although  the  note  of  peace  here  sounded  is  substituted 
in  the  nineteenth  century  for  the  despair  and  homesickness 
supreme  in  early  Loyalist  verse,  the  heroic  couplet  retained 
its  popularity.  Its  vogue  entailed  certain  limitations  in 
material  and  treatment  which  led  to  an  inevitable  loss  of 
sincerity  and  power.  A  good  illustration  is  the  Description 
of  the  Great  Falls  of  the  River  Saint  John  by  Adam  Allan 
(1757-1823).  The  author,  a  lieutenant  in  the  Queen's 
Rangers,  an  American  regiment  stationed  at  Fredericton, 
wrote  the  lines  while  in  command  of  a  post  at  Grand  Falls. 
In  the  same  year,  1798,  they  were  published  in  England 
with  his  version  of  Ramsay's  Gentle  Shepherd.  Though 
they  have  been  reprinted,  they  are  not  easily  accessible. 
For  this  reason  I  shall  quote  a  short  extract  which  will  give 
an  adequate  idea  of  the  style: 

Around  the  verge  what  curious  objects  rise 
To  feed  the  fancy  and  to  feast  the  eyes! 
Pilasters,  arches,  pyramids,  and  cones, 
Turrets  enriched  with  porticoes  and  domes. 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  3 1 

It  is  apparent  that  the  promise  of  Bailey's  verse  is  unful- 
filled. Though  Allan,  unlike  Stansbury,  shows  no  actual  dis- 
like of  his  surroundings,  he  has  no  appreciation  of  their 
beauty.  The  lines  are  purely  mechanical.  The  quotation, 
it  is  true,  may  do  injustice  to  the  author,  whose  New  Gentle 
Shepherd  contains  several  original  songs  which  are  said  to  be 
"  of  unusual  melody."  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that 
the  ironical  commendation  of  the  New  Brunswick  Gazette  was 
not  altogether  unjustified:  the  descriptive  verse  that  seems 
to  have  been  popular  in  Nova  Scotia  and  Quebec  is  as  void 
of  inspiration.  Everywhere  the  Loyalists  clung  to  the  out- 
worn ideals  of  neo-classicism.  Separated  from  the  literary 
centres  of  England,  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  continued 
the  forms  and  methods  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed 
in  the  Old  Colonies.  Even  if  sympathetic  intercourse  had 
been  possible,  the  United  States  had  little  to  offer.  The  few 
Englishmen  of  education  who  emigrated  to  British  North 
America  readily  assumed  the  modes  of  thought  current 
among  the  exiles;  with  them  they  took  malicious  delight 
in  the  financial  difficulties  of  Congress,  and  with  them  they 
continued  to  asseverate  their  adherence  to  the  Motherland. 
Nothing  requires  more  skill  and  force  than  a  satire  or  pa- 
triotic ode,  of  which  there  are  few  successful  examples  before 
the  War  of  181 2.  One  of  the  best  songs  which  has  survived 
is  an  ode  "To  the  Memory  of  Lord  Nelson,"  written  and 
sung  at  Fredericton,  in  1806,  in  celebration  of  the  battle 
of  Trafalgar.  The  last  stanzas,  direct  echoes  of  one  of 
Stansbury's  lyrics,  are  indicative  of  their  time : 

Wherever  your  far-dreaded  sails  are  unfurled, 

The  Genius  of  Nelson  shall  fight  by  your  side, 
And  teach  you  again  to  astonish  the  world 

By  deeds  unexampled,  achievements  untried. 
Then,  Britons,  strike  home! 
For  ages  to  come 
Your  Nelson  shall  conquer  and  triumph  again. 
Each  tar  shall  inherit 
A  share  of  his  spirit, 


32  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

And  all  prove  invincible  Lords  of  the  Main. 
Lords  of  the  Main  ?    Aye,  Lords  of  the  Main. 
The  tars  of  Old  England  are  Lords  of  the  Main. 

Nor  are  we  alone  in  the  noble  career ; 

The  soldier  partakes  of  the  generous  flame. 
To  glory  he  marches,  to  glory  we  steer; 

Between  us  we  share  the  rich  harvest  of  fame. 

Recorded  on  high, 

Their  names  never  die 
Whose  deeds  the  renown  of  their  country  sustain. 

The  King,  then,  God  bless  him, 

The  world  shall  confess  him 
The  Lord  of  those  men  who  are  lords  of  the  Main. 
Lords  of  the  Main  ?     Aye,  Lords  of  the  Main. 
The  tars  of  Old  England  are  Lords  of  the  Main. 

Notwithstanding  the  verve  and  energy  of  these  lines, 
which  attest  the  continued  popularity  of  Loyalist  verse,  they 
cannot  be  ranked  high. 

In  spite  of  their  formal  technique  writers  like  Bailey  and 
Odell  impress  a  reader  by  their  sincerity.  With  a  few  ex- 
ceptions those  who  followed  were  mere  imitators.  Through 
the  eminence  in  public  affairs  of  Loyalist  families,  who  were 
quick  to  capitalize  their  sacrifices,  a  proper  hatred  of  the 
United  States  and  an  equally  proper  love  of  England  became 
social  decencies  to  be  expressed  in  traditional  terms.  The 
detrimental  effect,  moral  and  aesthetic,  of  these  conventions 
cannot  be  overestimated. 

Their  baneful  influence,  now  largely  shattered,  which  still 
impedes,  through  obscure  and  complex  forces,  the  free  de- 
velopment of  Canadian  life  and  literature,  is  mirrored  in 
the  collections  of  letters  which  have  escaped  the  ravages  of 
time.  In  the  voluminous  correspondence  of  the  Loyalists  it 
is  possible  to  trace  their  despair,  their  homesickness,  and 
their  final  contentment.  In  due  course  they  began  to  take 
pride  in  their  achievements  and  in  the  high  standard  of  cul- 
ture they  had  brought  with  them  from  the  Old  Colonies.    A 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  33 

few  even  dreamed  of  a  distant  future  when  a  great  English 
nation  in  the  North  would  dominate  the  enfeebled  descend- 
ants of  the  rebellious  colonists,  whom  they  regarded  as 
inferior  in  birth  and  education.  In  spite  of  their  egotism 
and  complacency  their  activities  must  have  been  seriously 
curtailed  by  their  emigration.  Their  letters,  always  in  good 
taste,  reflect  the  narrowness  of  pioneer  life.  The  writers  had 
little  time  for  anything  beyond  the  daily  routine  essential 
to  existence.  Surveying,  the  construction  of  wagon  roads, 
and  the  clearing  of  farms  do  not  tend  towards  belles  lettres. 
Though  the  Loyalists  left  many  intimate  records  of  their 
labors  and  diversions,  they  are  too  uniformly  practical  to  be 
of  interest.  It  is  true  that  those  preserved  in  such  collec- 
tions as  The  Winslow  Papers  are  brighter,  more  varied,  more 
vivacious,  and,  in  general,  more  devoted  to  music,  art,  and 
literature  than  the  correspondence  of  the  Whigs  found  in 
American  anthologies;  but  no  one  unless  blinded  by  the 
national  feeling  which  makes  Odell  or  Freneau  great  poets 
will  credit  either  with  literary  merit. 

An  exception,  so  far  as  the  Tories  are  concerned,  may  be 
found,  according  to  competent  authorities,  in  the  reports  of 
Charles  Inglis  (1734-18 16),  first  bishop  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  Nova  Scotia.  Emigrating  from  Ireland,  he 
taught  a  free  school  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  where  he 
was  ordained  in  1759.  Five  years  later  he  became  assistant 
at  Trinity  Church,  New  York,  and,  thirteen  years  after- 
wards, rector.  While  head  of  this,  one  of  the  most  prom- 
inent colonial  churches,  he  was  drawn  into  the  political 
controversies  of  the  day.  In  the  Letters  of  Papinian  (1779), 
addressed  to  John  Jay  after  the  French  Alliance,  he  took  a 
broader  view  of  the  struggle  than  most  of  the  Tory  pam- 
phleteers. These  letters  were  followed  by  The  True  Interest 
of  America  Impartially  Considered.  By  An  American,  a 
dignified  reply  to  Common  Sense.  In  several  respects  his 
papers  are  more  able  and  effective  than  those  of  his  col- 
leagues.    For  this  reason  probably  his  correspondence  is 


34  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

considered  of  importance.  Since  the  greater  part  of  his 
congregation  went  to  Halifax  in  1783,  it  was  natural  that  he 
should  eventually  return  from  England,  where  he  had  gone 
after  the  Peace  of  Versailles.  On  his  elevation  to  the  bish- 
opric, in  1787,  he  began  a  series  of  reports  which  has  been 
preserved  in  manuscript  at  Lambeth  Palace.  Though  these 
monographs,  which  extend  to  many  volumes,  are  excellent 
sketches  of  religious  and  educational  conditions  in  British 
North  America,  they  do  not  demand  any  special  notice. 
Even  his  journals,  which  occasionally  contain  vivid  narra- 
tives of  his  experiences  and  clearly  drawn  portraits  of  the 
people  whom  he  met,  must  appeal  primarily  to  those  in- 
terested in  the  development  of  the  Maritime  Provinces. 

There,  as  I  have  shown,  it  is  necessary  to  look  for  the 
intellectual  activity  of  the  Loyalist  Period.  The  new  set- 
tlers, favored  by  the  Government,  appointed  to  lucrative 
positions,  and  enriched  by  grants  of  land  and  money,  soon 
stamped  their  peculiar  ideas  on  the  communities  in  which 
they  lived.  The  labors  of  the  Acadians  and  the  Puritans 
thus  went  to  strengthen  their  power.  The  Congregational- 
ists  who  had  not  become  Baptists  joined  the  Presbyterian 
churches,  which  were  established  at  this  time,  or  transferred 
their  allegiance  to  the  Church  of  England,  which  represented 
the  Tory  party  and  the  official  class.  The  new  alignment 
of  religious  forces,  and  the  subsequent  separation  from  New 
England,  where  episcopacy  was  at  a  disadvantage,  aided  the 
Loyalists  in  their  efforts  for  supremacy.  Religious  dif- 
ferences, as  well  as  social  distinctions,  both  of  which  had 
embittered  the  Revolution,  tended  to  produce  a  homoge- 
neous community. 

The  thoughts  and  feelings  of  those  who  formed  it  —  of 
those  at  least  who  were  its  leaders  —  are  reflected  in  the 
diaries  which  have  been  handed  down  from  generation  to 
generation.  According  to  material  they  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes  determined  by  the  interests,  military  or 
civil,  of  the  writers. 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  35 

Naturally  those  who  bore  arms,  both  regulars  and  volun- 
teers, had  something  to  say  of  their  adventures.  Represen- 
tative of  the  first  element  of  this  group  is  Captain  Antony 
Allaire  (1 755-1838),  of  Douglas,  New  Brunswick,  author  of 
several  letters  in  Remington's  Royal  Gazette,  whose  Diary  of 
the  South  Carolina  campaign  has  been  highly  commended. 
Born  at  New  Rochelle,  New  York,  he  entered  the  Loyal 
American  Regiment  as  a  lieutenant,  and,  with  his  command, 
was  present  at  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  where  Fergu- 
son's Corps  was  surrounded  and  destroyed.  His  escape  and 
subsequent  experiences  are  depicted  in  his  memoranda. 
Though  the  incidents  are  stirring  enough,  the  value  of  his 
notes,  mere  random  jottings,  is  essentially  historical. 

A  more  significant  figure  is  James  Moody,  a  lieutenant  in 
the  first  battalion  of  New  Jersey  Volunteers,  and  after- 
wards a  member  of  the  Nova  Scotia  Assembly.  His  story, 
told  in  the  third  person,  is  a  frank  account  of  his  vicissi- 
tudes. After  referring  to  the  disturbances  which  followed  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities,  he  explains  his  refusal  to  join  the  in- 
surgents and  his  decision  to  support  the  established  govern- 
ment. His  situation,  as  he  says,  was  "  trying  and  difficult." 
"  He  foresaw  in  its  fullest  force  that  torrent  of  reproach, 
insult,  and  injury  that  he  was  sure  to  draw  down  on  his 
family  by  a  contrary  conduct.  ...  Of  the  points  in  debate 
between  the  parent  state  and  his  native  country  he  pre- 
tended not  to  be  a  competent  judge:  they  were  studiously 
so  puzzled  and  perplexed  that  he  could  come  to  no  other 
conclusion  than  that,  however  real  or  great  the  grievances 
of  the  Americans  might  be,  rebellion  was  not  the  way  to 
redress  them.  ..." 

Speaking  of  the  troops  whom  he  commanded,  he  says: 

They  were,  in  general,  men  of  some  property  and,  without  a  single 
exception,  men  of  principle.  They  fought  for  what  appeared  to  be  the 
true  interests  of  their  country  as  well  as  to  regain  their  little  planta- 
tions and  to  live  in  peace  under  a  constitution  that  they  knew,  by 
experience,  to  be  auspicious  to  their  happiness.  Their  conduct  in  their 
new  profession  as  soldiers  verifies  their  character:  they  have  been 
brave,  and  they  have  been  humane. 


36  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

From  these  extracts  it  is  evident  that  Moody's  story 
throws  considerable  light  on  the  character  and  attitude  of 
the  Loyalist  forces.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  its  candor  and 
conscientiousness,  it  belongs,  like  Allaire's  Diary,  to  the 
realm  of  the  historian.  None  of  the  memoirs  of  the  regular 
soldiery  has  any  special  charm. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected,  therefore,  that  the  journals  of  the 
partisan  leaders  will  reward  the  investigator.  One  example, 
nevertheless,  may  be  cited  for  illustration.  The  most  noto- 
rious, and  certainly  the  most  hated,  of  the  irregular  com- 
manders who  harried  the  Whigs  was  Colonel  David  Fanning 
(1754-1825),  whose  exploits  must  not  be  confused  with 
those  of  his  namesake,  Edmund  Fanning  (1 737-1818),  the 
distinguished  jurist  who  raised  and  commanded  the  King's 
American  Regiment,  and  later  became  Governor  of  Prince 
Edward  Island.  David  Fanning  had  little  in  common  with 
a  scholar  who  had  been  honored  by  the  greatest  universities 
of  England  and  America.  Relatively  poor  and  uneducated, 
he  had  no  resources  but  the  courage  and  agility  which 
enabled  him  to  control  his  native  state  and  to  carry  prisoner 
into  Charleston  the  republican  governor  and  his  suite. 
From  his  raids  and  his  success  in  eluding  capture  have 
sprung  numerous  legends  in  which  he  is  represented  as  the 
embodiment  of  evil.  The  ill-will  responsible  for  these  dis- 
torted versions  of  his  forays  evidently  induced  him  to  write 
his  Narrative  Detailing  Astonishing  Events  in  North  Carolina. 
From  1775-178 j.  In  setting  forth  (1790)  the  incidents  of 
his  life,  he  takes  malicious  pleasure  in  the  misery  of  the 
United  States,  which  he  attributes  to  divine  intervention 
because  of  their  treatment  of  the  Loyalists.  Speaking  in  par- 
ticular of  his  own  misfortunes,  he  says:  "  I  was  forced  to 
leave  the  place  of  my  nativity  for  my  adherence  to  the  Brit- 
ish Constitution,  and,  after  my  sore  fatigues,  I  arrived  at 
St.  John  River;  and  there,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  I  have 
hitherto  enjoyed  the  sweets  of  peace."  Then  follows  a  quo- 
tation from  the  thirty-seventh  psalm:  "Mark  the  perfect 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  37 

man  and  behold  the  upright;  for  the  end  of  that  man  is 
peace"  —  an  implication  of  righteousness  which  has  created 
no  little  amusement  among  critics.  Their  surprise  as  well 
as  their  charge  of  hypocrisy  is  due  to  ignorance.  The  words 
in  question,  which  are  not  in  Fanning's  hand,  were  evidently 
written  by  his  wife  or  son.  The  memoir,  with  occasional 
irregularities  of  spelling  and  punctuation,  which  have  evi- 
dently been  exaggerated  by  the  editor  to  enforce  his  view  of 
Fanning's  character,  bears  every  sign  of  truth. 

Its  gruesome  description  of  the  predatory  warfare  that 
harassed  the  Southern  Colonies  —  a  struggle  in  which  Fan- 
ning was  twice  wounded  and  fourteen  times  taken  prisoner 
—  are  interspersed  with  entertaining  sidelights  on  the  social 
life  of  the  Revolution.  Especially  novel  is  the  author's  ac- 
count of  his  honeymoon.  In  time  these  personal  touches, 
which  are  generously  human,  will  doubtless  help  to  counter- 
balance his  unsavory  reputation  in  Carolina.  So  powerful 
is  the  force  of  tradition  that  a  Southern  historian,  on  visiting 
New  Brunswick,  was  surprised  to  find  Fanning's  son  an 
honorable  and  respected  gentleman.  Through  the  latter's 
courtesy  an  edition  of  the  Narrative,  garbled  by  the  editor 
to  suit  its  presumptive  audience,  was  published  in  the  United 
States  in  1861.  Reprints  south  of  the  Border  have  followed 
this  mutilated  copy,  which  reflects  only  one  side  in  the  life 
of  a  man  who  was  popular  enough  to  be  elected  to  the  As- 
sembly of  the  province.  His  Narrative,  badly  written  and 
worthless  in  every  respect,  is  an  apology  by  the  most  calum- 
niated Tory  partisan.  As  such  it  deserves  the  attention  of 
those  who  would  understand  the  temper  of  the  refugees 
gathered  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  John. 

For  adequate  interpretation  of  Loyalist  sentiment,  how- 
ever, it  is  necessary  to  turn  to  the  autobiographies  of  those 
who  fought  not  with  the  sword  but  with  the  pen.  One 
specimen  will  suffice.  Among  the  memoirs  of  noncombat- 
ants  the  Journals  of  Jacob  Bailey  (1731-1808)  are  the  most 
extensive.    Early  in  life  he  acquired  the  habit  of  recording 


38  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

his  daily  thoughts  and  experiences.    So  indefatigable  was 
he  in  the  performance  of  this  task  that  his  writings  form 
an  illuminating  commentary  on  colonial  institutions.     In 
every  way  he  was  admirably  qualified  to  paint  an  accurate 
and  sympathetic  picture  of  his  countrymen  in  Massachu- 
setts and  Nova  Scotia.   His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Joshua 
Wingate  of  New  Hampshire;  his  father's  family  had  been  in 
Rowley,  his  birthplace,  since  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century.     His  knowledge  of  social  conditions   makes   his 
observations  in  his  diaries  —  parts  of  which  are  still  avail- 
able—  particularly  valuable.     A  perusal  of  these  diurnal 
essays  in  miniature  would  be  an  excellent  antidote  to  the 
sentimentality  with  which  the  Puritan  Era  is  often  regarded. 
At  present,  however,  I  am  more  concerned  with  those  divi- 
sions of  his  prose  which  have  to  do  with  his  life  in  the  Mari- 
time Provinces.    It  is  possible  to  pass  over  the  story  of  his 
student  days  at  Harvard,  where  he  was  graduated,  in  1755, 
with  his  friends,  John  Adams  and  John  Went  worth,  the 
latter  of  whom  became  Governor  of  Nova  Scotia.   It  is  pos- 
sible also  to  dismiss  his  career  as  a  schoolmaster,  as  a  Con- 
gregational minister,  and  as  a  Church  of  England  clergyman 
at  Pownalboro,  where  he  lived  happily  and  uneventfully 
with  his  books  and  his  flowers  until  he  was  forced  to  abandon 
his  parish.    The  narrative  of  his  exile,  which  followed  a  con- 
cealment of  five  weeks,  is  to  be  found  in  his  Journal  of  a  Voy- 
age from  Pownalboro  to  Halifax.    After  saying  farewell  to 
his  parishioners,  several  of  whom  followed  him  to  the  shore, 
he  took  passage  on  a  schooner  across  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 
Amid  the  storm  and  misery  he  did  not  forget  his  memoran- 
dum book.    When  he  hears  that  a  few  Yankee  sailors  have 
cut  out  a  couple  of  brigs  from  under  the  guns  of  Halifax,  he 
cannot  repress  his  exultation.    His  countrymen,  he  insists, 
are  the  bravest  in  the  world;    but  their  courage,  he  adds 
naively,  "  increases  in  proportion  to  the  badness  and  villainy 
of  the  cause  they  endeavor  to  support."     The  Journal  is 
replete  with  minute  observations  that  indicate  the  author's 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  39 

alertness  —  glimpses  of  the  sea  in  its  various  moods;  the 
escape  of  a  hen,  or  the  angling  of  John  Hoffmann,  reproved 
with  oaths  by  his  brothers  for  taking  codfish  on  the  Sabbath 
Day.  Altogether  it  has  a  freshness  and  vitality  wanting  in 
most  Loyalist  memoirs. 

At  times  there  is  a  directness  that  is  almost  biblical.  For 
instance,  in  describing  a  storm  on  the  voyage  across  the  Bay 
of  Fundy,  Bailey  remarks: 

We,  however,  found  some  consolation  when  we  perceived  that  the 
wind  rather  abated;  and  in  the  afternoon  it  blew  in  our  favor  so  that 
we  rediscovered  the  land  towards  evening.  But  the  fog  continued  to 
hover  over  the  surface  of  the  water  so  that  it  was  wholly  unsafe  to  aim 
at  any  harbor.  In  bearing  away  from  the  shore  we  discovered  through 
the  surrounding  fog  several  little  islands,  interspersed  with  rugged 
rocks,  against  which  the  waves,  dashing  with  violence,  occasioned  a 
frightful  roaring.  We  had  the  good  fortune,  however,  to  escape  without 
damage. 

Again,  as  in  an  apostrophe  to  gold,  he  falls  into  the  surging 

periods  of  sermonic  eloquence;   again,  into  long  descriptive 

passages  varied  by  many  curious  turns  and  allusions.    Bailey 

is  one  of  the  few  Revolutionary  writers  who  can  see  the 

humorous  side  of  the  conflict.     Speaking  of  his  arrival  at 

Halifax,  he  says : 

My  legs  were  covered  with  a  thick  pair  of  blue  woollen  stockings 
which  had  been  so  often  mended  and  darned  by  the  fingers  of  frugality 
that  scarce  an  atom  of  the  original  remained.  My  breeches,  which 
just  concealed  the  shame  of  my  nakedness,  had  formerly  been  black, 
but,  the  color  being  worn  out  with  age,  nothing  remained  but  a  rusty 
grey  besmattered  with  lint  and  bedaubed  with  pitch.  Over  a  coarse 
tow  and  linen  shirt  manufactured  in  the  looms  of  sedition  I  sustained 
a  coat  and  waistcoat  of  the  same  dandy  grey  russet;  and,  to  secrete 
from  public  inspection  the  innumerable  rents,  holes,  and  deformities 
which  time  and  misfortune  had  wrought  in  these  ragged  and  weather- 
beaten  garments,  I  was  furnished  with  a  blue  surtout  fretted  at  the 
elbows,  worn  at  the  button-holes,  and  stained  with  a  variety  of  tints, 
so  that  it  might  truly  be  styled  a  coat  of  many  colors;  and,  to  render 
the  external  department  of  my  habit  still  more  conspicuous  and  worthy 
of  observation,  the  waist  descended  below  my  knees  and  the  skirt  hung 
dangling  about  my  heels;  and,  to  complete  the  whole,  a  jaundice- 


40  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

colored  wig,  devoid  of  curls,  was  shaded  by  the  remnants  of  a  rusty 
beaver.  Its  monstrous  brim,  replete  with  notches  and  furrows,  and 
grown  limpsy  by  the  alternate  inflictions  of  storm  and  sunshine,  lopped 
over  my  shoulders,  and  obscured  a  face  meagre  with  famine  and  wrin- 
kled with  solitude. 

To  anyone  who  has  plodded  through  the  dispiriting 
autobiographies  of  the  period  such  passages  are  peculiarly 
welcome.  Of  Loyalist  writers  Bailey  is  one  of  the  most  enter- 
taining. A  man  of  culture  and  ability,  simple  and  artless  in 
manner,  he  touches  the  Old  Colonies  and  the  New.  Of  the 
great  volume  of  his  work,  which  includes  his  Observations  on 
the  Minerals  of  Nova  Scotia,  comparatively  little  has  been 
published.  The  two  editions  of  The  Frontier  Missionary, 
by  which  he  is  principally  known,  were  printed,  as  an  his- 
torian of  his  native  state  has  pointed  out,  at  a  time  when  it 
was  impossible  to  do  justice  to  anyone  who  had  supported 
the  established  government.  When  the  collection  of  his 
manuscripts  is  undertaken,  many  curious  links  between  the 
peoples  of  the  two  countries  with  which  his  life  was  in- 
timately connected  will  doubtless  be  discovered. 

With  informal  reminiscences  like  Bailey's  it  is  not  sur- 
prising to  find  attempts  at  formal  history.  These  have  to 
do  with  the  colonies  in  which  the  Loyalists  were  born,  and 
to  which  they  still  looked  with  affection,  and  with  the  New 
Provinces  in  which  they  were  beginning  to  take  justifiable 
pride.  There  are  in  existence  published  and  unpublished 
monographs  on  New  England  in  general  and  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  in  particular.  Interesting  as  they  may  be 
to  the  historian,  they  are  not  distinguished  by  literary  skill. 
The  same  criticism  may  be  made  of  the  specific  accounts  of 
the  Loyalist  Migration.  The  only  possible  exception  of 
which  I  am  aware  is  A  Description  of  the  Province  of  New 
Brunswick  and  an  Account  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  American 
Loyalists  who  were  Transported  Thither.  This  sketch,  written 
by  Jacob  Bailey,  who  also  wrote  A  History  of  New  England, 
as  well  as  A  History  of  the  Eastern  Country,  which  likewise 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  41 

remained  unpublished  because  he  and  the  printer  were 
forced  to  flee,  is  seemingly  a  hurried  fragment  enlivened 
only  by  his  unfailing  humor. 

A  more  pretentious  work  is  The  History  of  Canada  (1804) 
by  George  Heriot  (1 766-1844),  first  Postmaster-General  of 
British  North  America,  who  was  intimately  connected  with 
the  literary  coteries  of  New  Brunswick.  His  volume,  which 
is  based  on  VHistoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France  (1746)  by  Father 
Charlevoix,  is  the  most  substantial  book  published  by  the 
English  society  of  Quebec,  which  remained  an  isolated  com- 
munity in  the  midst  of  one  hundred  thousand  French- 
speaking  people.  It  was  followed  by  his  Travels  through  the 
Canadas.  Containing  a  Description  of  some  of  the  Picturesque 
Scenery  on  some  of  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  (1807),  an  ambitious 
undertaking  illustrated  with  considerable  taste.  Though  his 
comparative  view  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Indian 
tribes  is  full  of  archaeological  information,  many  of  his 
paragraphs  are  mere  summaries  of  unimportant  facts.  The 
style  also  is  incoherent,  slipshod,  and  bombastic.  Heriot's 
crude  romanticism,  however,  offered  the  critics  a  greater 
opportunity  for  ridicule.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  to 
find  the  comment  of  the  Edinburgh  Review  even  more  enter- 
taining than  the  description  of  "  the  vast  lake,  the  dark 
mountain,  and  the  foaming  cataract  "  over  which  it  waxed 
hilarious.  Nevertheless,  though  a  reader,  misled  by  the 
title,  searches  in  vain  for  a  vista  of  the  St.  Lawrence  with 
its  power  and  beauty,  the  Travels  could  not  have  been  en- 
tirely unappreciated.  In  1813,  while  Heriot  was  serving  in 
the  field  against  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  it  was  re- 
published at  Philadelphia.  It  is  important,  therefore,  be- 
cause it  shows  that  activity  before  the  War  of  181 2  was  not 
confined  entirely  to  the  Maritime  Provinces. 

Before  peace  had  been  declared,  Jonathan  Sewell,  Chief 
Justice  of  Lower  Canada,  and  author  of  several  legal  trea- 
tises, had  written  a  brochure  advocating  a  union  of  the  prov- 
inces and  another  On  the  Advantage  of  Opening  the  River 


42  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

St.  Lawrence  to  the  Commerce  of  the  World  (1814).  His 
brother  Stephen  had  published  the  letters  of  Veritas  (1815), 
and  Bishop  Strachan  (1 778-1867),  in  Upper  Canada,  had 
contributed  a  series  of  essays  to  the  meagre  literature  of 
that  province. 

To  the  Maritime  Provinces,  nevertheless,  a  reader  must 
turn  for  the  miscellaneous  prose  of  significance.  In  Nova 
Scotia  and  New  Brunswick  the  high  standard  set  by  the 
Congregational  ministers  was  maintained  by  the  Loyalist 
clergymen.  At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  Canada  has  the  education  of  its  priests  been  as 
satisfactory  as  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution.  Among  those 
whose  names  are  still  remembered  are  Samuel  Andrews 
(1736-1818),  a  graduate  of  Yale  and  first  rector  of  St.  An- 
drew's, and  Mather  Byles,  junior  (1 734-1814),  rector  of 
Trinity  Church,  St.  John.  Like  his  father,  grandson  of  In- 
crease and  nephew  of  Cotton  Mather,  the  latter  associated 
religion  and  loyalty,  and  so  carried  into  the  New  Provinces 
the  culture  of  Boston  and  the  scholarship  of  Harvard.  Like 
his  father  also  he  was  something  of  a  poet.  One  of  the  best 
of  his  poems  is  the  epithalamium  beginning, 

Can  mortal  tongue  explain  the  bliss 

Of  raptured  saints  above  ? 
Their  bosoms  rest  in  perfect  peace, 

Their  hearts  expand  in  love. 

Although  none  of  the  Loyalist  clergymen  or  the  missionaries 
who  came  from  England  left  any  collected  sermons,  those 
which  were  published  —  addresses  in  celebration  of  British 
victories  or  of  popular  anniversaries  —  are  valuable  indices 
of  their  power.  It  would  be  rash,  however,  to  suggest  that 
they  have  any  interest  apart  from  their  setting. 

This  statement  is  also  true  of  a  book  which  might  have 
been  linked  with  the  memoirs  of  noncombatants.  Walter 
Bates  (1 760-1842),  who  went  to  St.  John  in  the  Spring  Fleet 
of  1783,  collected  his  reminiscences  of  Connecticut  and  New 
Brunswick   in   several    fragmentary   monographs.     He   is 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  43 

known  today,  however,  not  by  these  trivial  anecdotes  but 
by  his  story  The  Mysterious  Stranger  (181 7),  which  has 
been  republished  under  various  titles.  Though  the  date  of 
its  publication  extends  beyond  the  Loyalist  Period,  the 
events  which  it  chronicles  took  place  in  181 2-1 5.  In  the 
following  year  Bates  set  out  to  Portland  with  his  manu- 
script, but  adverse  winds,  which  carried  him  to  New  York, 
led  to  its  printing  in  New  Haven.  The  Connecticut  edition 
was  followed  by  others  in  Great  Britain  and  the  Maritime 
Provinces,  where  it  is  still  read.  As  the  first  Canadian  book 
to  appear  in  Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Canada, 
it  is  naturally  invested  with  a  certain  antiquarian  interest. 
By  critics  it  has  been  called  "  one  of  the  curiosities  of  litera- 
ture ";  and  indeed  it  has  little  but  its  strangeness  to  com- 
mend it.  As  Sheriff  of  King's  County,  New  Brunswick, 
Bates  had  charge  of  a  young  man  accused  of  horse  stealing. 
The  prisoner,  found  guilty  on  rather  flimsy  evidence,  was 
sentenced  to  death.  His  conflicting  accounts  of  how  he 
came  into  possession  of  the  horse  led  the  presiding  judge  to 
rule  that  he  had  been  taken  "  in  the  manner."  Fortunately 
for  him  there  had  been  no  executions  in  the  province  for  this 
crime;  and,  to  maintain  its  record,  he  was  pardoned  by  the 
Governor.  On  his  release  he  went  to  the  United  States, 
where  he  forthwith  got  into  other  difficulties.  So  great  was 
the  popular  interest  in  his  case  that  the  editor  of  the  Port- 
land Gazette  requested  the  Sheriff,  who  was  familiar  with  his 
career,  to  write  a  narrative  of  his  adventures.  To  warn 
others  the  latter  draws  a  portrait  of  the  criminal: 

Always  neat  and  clean  in  his  dress  and  astonishingly  quick  and 
active  in  his  motion  (would  catch  mice  with  his  handcuffs  on) ;  fond  of 
smoking;  sings  well,  and  whistles  remarkably;  and  can  play  on  al- 
most any  instrument  of  music.  He  is  a  blacksmith,  a  shipwright,  a 
tailor,  and  a  farmer;  in  fact  everything;  for  he  has  the  strength  of  a 
lion  and  the  subtlety  of  the  Devil. 

His  strength  and  subtlety,  it  is  clear,  nonplussed  his 
keeper.     In  spite  of  irons  weighing  forty-six  pounds  the 


44  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Mysterious  Stranger,  with  his  music  and  his  entertainments, 
contrived  to  escape.  The  record  of  his  sufferings,  as  related 
by  Bates,  who  was  sincerely  concerned  about  his  welfare, 
is  a  striking  commentary  on  the  administration  of  justice. 
To  chain  a  man  naked  to  a  bundle  of  straw  seems  to  have 
been  a  natural  precaution  against  escape.  If  this  treatment 
had  been  likely  to  arouse  indignation,  it  is  not  probable  that 
the  Sheriff  would  have  given  such  a  detailed  account  of  the 
imprisonment.  The  evident  truth  of  his  descriptions  does 
something  to  counterbalance  the  scraggly  character  of  his 
style. 

These  descriptions,  drawn  from  the  facts  of  the  moment, 
are  suggestive  of  another  development.    While  the  Loyalists 
recorded  informally  their  experiences  in  the  Old  Colonies 
and  the  New,  and  while  they  attempted  in  vain  to  coordinate 
their  impressions  in  formal  history,  they  also  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  Canadian  journalism.    The  leading  newspapers 
of  Philadelphia,  for  instance,  were  transferred  bodily  to 
Nova  Scotia.     In  1812  seven  weeklies  of  some  pretension 
which  had  survived  the  literary  wreck  of  1793  were  still 
printed  in  Acadia  and  the  Canadas.    All  but  two  of  these 
unfortunately  were  official  organs  controlled  by  government 
houses  and  devoted  almost  exclusively  to  legislative  reports 
and  discussions.    Any  signs  of  editorial  independence  were 
ruthlessly  suppressed,  and  one  editor  at  least  suffered  im- 
prisonment for  his  temerity  in  criticizing  an  unpopular 
measure.    Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  this  unreasoning  censor- 
ship, several  papers  continued  the  Revolutionary  temper. 
It  is  curious  to  notice  how  ridicule  and  burlesque  were  thus 
engrafted  on   the  journalism  of  British  North  America. 
Aside  from  the  strength  of  this  tendency,  which  was  to  have 
a  noteworthy  outflowering  in  the  work  of  Haliburton  and 
his  contemporaries,  little  is  to  be  gleaned  from  the  dust- 
covered  files.    The  space  not  devoted  to  official  announce- 
ments contains  news  of  the  outside  world.   Emphasis  is  en- 
tirely utilitarian.    The  only  exception  is  the  original  verse, 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  45 

which  is  as  colorless  and  as  insipid  as  that  which  I  have 
already  discussed. 

From  its  faded  rhymes  and  stock  comparisons  it  is  pleas- 
ant to  turn  to  the  Loyalist  reviews,  which  are  evidence  of 
the  high  standard  of  education  among  the  new  settlers.  The 
first  in  point  of  time  was  the  Nova  Scotia  Magazine  (1789- 
91),  a  monthly  printed,  and  for  some  time  edited,  by  John 
Howe,  father  of  Joseph  Howe.  Its  scope  is  explained  by 
the  subtitle :  A  Comprehensive  Review  of  Literature,  Politics, 
and  News.  Being  a  Collection  of  the  Most  Valuable  Articles 
which  Appear  in  the  Periodical  Publications  of  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  and  America;  with  Various  Pieces  in  Prose  and 
Verse  Never  before  Published.  The  purpose,  as  outlined  by 
the  editor,  was  threefold:  "  to  preserve  and  diffuse  a  taste 
for  British  literature";  to  encourage  "young  writers 
among  the  rising  generation  to  try  their  strength  ";  and, 
finally,  to  further  the  interests  of  the  province.  These 
points  are  emphasized  in  the  various  sections.  In  the  first, 
that  devoted  to  literature,  a  reader  is  at  once  impressed  by 
the  wide  range  of  topics.  There  are  extracts  dealing  with 
every  conceivable  subject  from  religion  to  ornithology.  In 
politics  there  is  the  same  diversity.  The  debates  in  the 
House  of  Commons  are  carefully  reported;  the  European 
situation  is  analyzed;  even  Congress  is  not  forgotten.  To 
the  average  reader  who  thinks  of  Canada  as  a  young  country 
without  literary  background  it  is  fascinating  to  turn  to  these 
volumes  with  their  reminiscences  of  Pitt  and  Burke,  of  the 
Stamp  Act  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

It  is  this  aroma  of  the  past  also  that  impresses  him  as  he 
leaves  the  pages  on  new  books.  Though  the  reviews  are  far 
from  illuminating,  they  often  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
material  in  hand.  Most  striking  of  all  are  the  sections 
headed  poetry.  Here  the  names  of  Akenside,  Beattie,  John- 
son, Peter  Pindar,  Pye,  and  Warton  emphasize  the  ad- 
herence of  the  Loyalists  to  the  canons  of  their  era.  Latin 
and  French  verse  also  found  their  way  into  the  columns.    In 


46  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

addition  there  are  translations  from  the  classics  and  senti- 
mental love  poems  by  Canadian  dilettanti  who  conceal  their 
identity  under  such  pseudonyms  as  Werter,  Amintor,  and 
Minimus.  In  his  version  of  "  Odin,  an  Highland  Ballad," 
Pollio,  one  of  these  triflers  who  occasionally  wrote  admirable 
lines,  turns  to  Milton  and  Gray  for  his  diction.  His  med- 
iocre couplets,  frankly  criticized  by  the  editor,  and  Collins' 
"  Ode  on  the  Popular  Superstitions  of  the  Highlands," 
which  is  reproduced  in  full,  are  almost  the  only  signs  of  the 
new  spirit  which  was  revivifying  the  poetry  of  Great  Britain. 
So  far  as  actual  accomplishment  is  concerned,  the  Nova 
Scotia  Magazine  may  be  quickly  dismissed.  With  a  few  ex- 
ceptions its  verse  is  as  uninspiring  as  the  minor  verse  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Of  its  original  prose,  which  is  too 
limited  in  bulk  to  require  separate  notice,  the  only  contri- 
butions of  any  impressiveness  are  "  A  Plan  of  Liberal  Edu- 
cation for  the  Youth  of  Nova  Scotia  and  the  Sister  Provinces 
in  North  America,"  and  the  public  letters  of  "  Colum- 
nella."  In  these  "  essays,"  as  the  author  styles  them,  he 
discusses  the  agricultural  prospects  of  the  province  in  a 
clear,  sane,  and  effective  manner.  His  suggestion  that  a 
professorship  of  "  rural  economics  "  be  established  at  King's 
College,  of  which  I  shall  speak  in  a  moment,  is  an  early  plea 
for  technical  education  on  the  farm.  A  direct  result  of  this 
appeal  was  the  establishment,  in  1789,  of  the  King's  County 
Agricultural  Society,  which  is  still  in  existence.  The  essays 
are  thus  the  forerunners  of  the  well-known  Letters  of  Agricola 
(18 1 8)  by  John  Young,  who  "  made  the  province  flourish 
with  his  pen."  "  Columnella's  "  observations,  of  course,  are 
primarily  utilitarian.  As  today,  the  aesthetic  had  to  give 
way  to  the  practical.  Yet  for  those  who  desire  to  know  the 
literary  relations  of  Canada  in  the  last  decade  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  these  old-fashioned  volumes  modelled  after  the 
Universal  Magazine  and  others  of  its  kind  have  no  little  sig- 
nificance. Every  page  corroborates  the  assumption  that  the 
ideals  of  the  Loyalists  were  still  those  of  the  Old  Colonies. 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  47 

Unfortunately,  the  review  does  not  touch  the  next  cen- 
tury. Like  most  early  periodicals  it  was  short-lived.  The 
first  volume  appeared  in  1789,  and  in  1790  its  promoter,  the 
Loyalist  President  of  King's,  was  forced  to  relinquish  the 
editorship.  That  his  belief  in  the  permanence  of  the  Maga- 
zine, which  could  boast  of  three  hundred  subscribers,  was 
unwarranted  does  not  detract  from  the  merit  of  the  under- 
taking.    . 

His  claim  that  it  had  no  superior  in  America  or  Great 
Britain  would  probably  be  echoed  by  the  editors  of  the 
Quebec  Magazine,  a  monthly  in  French  and  English,  which 
represented  the  official  Loyalist  society  of  Lower  Canada. 
Kingsford,  who  is  conservative  in  his  statements,  says  that 
few  volumes  of  its  date  are  superior.  The  writers,  members 
of  a  literary  association  who  attempted  to  adapt  their  re- 
view to  the  needs  of  British  North  America,  were  men  of 
"  ability  and  discretion."  Possibly  they  overestimated 
their  powers;  possibly  the  Magazine,  begun  in  1792,  was  too 
pretentious  for  the  small  community  that  it  served.  At  any 
rate,  the  last  number  appeared  in  1794. 

These  two  transitory  periodicals  are  not  the  only  evidence 
of  intellectual  ambition.  Jeremiah  Pecker,  a  Harvard  grad- 
uate, set  up  a  school  at  St.  John,  where  he  taught  many 
of  the  men  who  laid  the  foundations  of  New  Brunswick.  In 
1 78 1,  Benjamin  Snow,  a  Dartmouth  man,  began  the  High 
School  at  Annapolis.  Even  more  important  than  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Loyalist  schoolmasters,  which  it  is  hard  to 
overestimate,  is  that  of  King's  College.  As  soon  as  the  issue 
of  the  Revolution  was  decided,  a  committee  of  Loyalists  in- 
cluding such  men  as  Benjamin  Thompson  (Count  Rumford), 
Edward  Winslow,  and  Joshua  Upham,  all  of  Massachusetts, 
and  many  other  distinguished  alumni  of  Harvard  and  Yale 
who  afterwards  left  their  mark  on  the  life  of  British  North 
America,  met  at  New  York  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
transportation  of  their  countrymen  to  Nova  Scotia.  Early 
in  1783  a  group  of  eighteen  clergymen,  of  whom  the  ma- 


48  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

jority  were  Americans,  met  to  discuss  the  establishment  of 
an  episcopate  in  the  same  province.  The  "  Plan  of  a  Re- 
ligious and  Literary  Institution  "  formulated  a  few  days 
before  was  more  fully  canvassed  by  a  subcommittee  of  five, 
which  included  Inglis  and  Odell.  As  a  result  of  their  delib- 
erations the  University  of  King's  College  was  begun  as  an 
academy,  in  1787,  at  Windsor,  in  a  house  leased  from  Su- 
sanna Franklin,  granddaughter  of  Peter  Faneuil  of  Boston. 
In  1789,  by  legislative  action,  it  was  raised  to  the  status  of  a 
college,  and  next  year,  under  its  President,  William  Coch- 
rane, formerly  professor  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages 
in  Columbia,  and  its  governors,  Bishop  Inglis,  Sir  John 
Wentworth,  and  Chief  Justice  Samuel  Blowers  —  the  last 
two,  graduates  of  Harvard  —  opened  its  lecture  rooms  to  the 
young  men  of  the  province.  A  few  months  later  it  was  able 
to  inaugurate  its  library  through  the  munificence  of  a  Bos- 
ton merchant.  The  first  English  college  in  Canada,  like  the 
first  English  schools,  whether  Puritan  or  Loyalist,  was 
thus  closely  connected  with  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Old 
Colonies. 

With  wise  foresight  the  only  limitation  at  King's  was  the 
requirement  that  the  president  should  be  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England.  As  a  result  it  received  the  support  of 
the  entire  community.  Between  1790  and  1802,  when  a 
royal  charter  was  secured,  two  hundred  Nova  Scotians 
passed  through  its  halls.  In  1802,  however,  when  the  reac- 
tionary forces  had  secured  control  in  all  provinces,  the  Im- 
perial Government  was  induced  to  pass  an  act  limiting 
matriculants  to  members  of  the  Church  of  England.  Since 
three-quarters  of  the  people  were  traditionally  opposed  to 
its  teaching,  the  student  body  immediately  dropped  to  one- 
sixth  of  its  previous  number,  and  the  college  rapidly  lost  its 
influence  in  the  province.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  this 
handicap,  it  still  remained  the  most  potent  stimulus  in  the 
New  Colonies.  Among  its  graduates  were  many  notable 
clergymen,  lawyers,  men  of  letters,  soldiers,  and  financiers 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  49 

whose  names  are  linked  with  the  development  of  Canadian 
thought  and  achievement:  Edmund  Alburne  Crawley, 
founder  of  Acadia  College,  which  has  never  lost  entirely  the 
zeal  of  its  first  Puritan  supporters;  Sir  James  Cochrane, 
Chief  Justice  of  Gibraltar;  Thomas  Chandler  Haliburton, 
the  satirist;  Major  General  Sir  John  Inglis,  the  defender  of 
Lucknow;  and  Sir  Edward  Samuel  Cunard,  Bart.,  founder 
of  the  steamship  line  which  bears  his  name. 

The  narrow  sectarian  policy  which,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  limited  the  usefulness  of  King's  to 
communicants  of  the  Church  of  England,  did  not  entirely 
deprive  the  majority  of  educational  facilities.  Congre- 
gationalism, as  I  have  shown,  had  practically  ceased  to  exist. 
Most  of  the  early  Congregationalists  had  become  Baptists; 
the  rest  had  joined  the  Presbyterian  churches  that  were 
making  headway  in  the  North.  To  the  latter  also  most 
of  the  Loyalists  who  did  not  belong  to  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land transferred  their  allegiance.  A  curious  memorial  of 
this  change  is  the  fact  that  the  name  of  Mather  Church,  at 
one  time  the  finest  in  America,  has  become  corrupted  to 
St.  Matthew.  As  a  result  of  this  movement  Presbyterianism, 
by  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  had  attained  a 
position  which  made  possible  an  academy  for  its  adherents. 
For  historic  and  social  reasons,  however,  Pictou  had  none  of 
the  prestige  attached  to  King's,  which  inherited  the  cur- 
ricula of  the  older  college  in  New  York. 

Nevertheless,  the  Established  Church  of  Scotland  repre- 
sented the  religious  faith  of  a  large  part  of  Nova  Scotia. 
Next  to  the  Loyalist  Immigration  the  most  striking  incident 
in  its  history  is  the  influx  from  Old  Scotia  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  In  1773,  before  Lexing- 
ton and  Bunker  Hill,  over  twenty-five  thousand  Highland- 
ers, driven  from  their  glens  by  unscrupulous  chieftains, 
emigrated  to  Cape  Breton,  to  Prince  Edward  Island,  or  to 
the  Mainland.  The  communities  so  formed  were  strength- 
ened by  other  settlements,  often  by  Lowlanders,  in  various 


50  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

parts  of  Canada.  Great  Scotch  centres  like  Glengarry 
and  Pictou,  which  have  contributed  so  much  to  the  virility 
of  the  Dominion,  were  thus  established.  The  Highland- 
ers, living  in  isolation,  retained  their  beliefs  and  recreations. 
Ignorant  and  illiterate,  they  were  long  children  of  Na- 
ture for  whom  the  wraiths  walked  on  the  hilltops.  In  a 
strange  environment  the  songs  of  the  Gaels,  still  crooned 
by  their  firesides,  assumed  a  local  significance,  developing 
imperceptibly  into  a  body  of  folklore  that  is  now  passing 
with  the  increased  uniformity  of  national  life.  None  of  this, 
however,  affected  the  literature  of  the  time.  Nor  did  the 
people  of  the  Lowland  communities,  which  have  given  to 
Canada  many  of  its  scientists  and  educators,  contribute, 
apart  from  the  literature  of  travel,1  anything  more  inspirit- 
ing than  the  sermons  of  their  ministers.2  Like  the  Highland- 
ers, they  lived  by  themselves  with  eyes  turned  across  the 
Atlantic.  As  the  Loyalists  looked  back  to  Boston,  the 
Scotch  looked  back  to  Dundee.  They  yearned  for  the  old 
friends  and  the  old  associations.  As  yet  they  were  Scotch- 
men as  the  Loyalists  were  Yankees  or  Cavaliers.  The 
bitterness  of  exile  shadowed  all  their  thoughts  and  the 
words  in  which  they  were  clothed.  Though  most  of  the 
Gaelic  ballads,  as  I  have  said,  are  being  forgotten,  their 
mood  is  preserved  in  a  translation  of  one  of  the  most  pathetic 
poems  of  exile : 

From  the  lone  sheiling  of  the  misty  island 
Mountains  divide  us  and  a  waste  of  seas; 
Yet  still  the  blood  is  strong,  the  heart  is  Highland, 
And  we  in  dreams  behold  the  Hebrides. 

Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there 
were  in  Canada  numerous  communities  —  French,  Loyalist, 
and  Scotch  —  with  little,  or  no,  intellectual  intercourse,  and 

1  See  Chapter  XI 1 1. 

2  Though  the  English  and  Scottish  popular  ballads  were  long  current  in 
the  Lowland  communities,  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  native  ballads  de- 
rived from  them  arc  of  any  importance. 


THE  LOYALIST  TRADITION  5 1 

with  nothing  in  common  but  their  feeling  of  banishment. 
Probably  there  was  rivalry,  probably  misunderstanding, 
probably  jealousy,  probably  bitterness.  Fate,  however, 
favored  the  Loyalists.  On  their  side  they  had  wealth,  edu- 
cation, and  official  position;  and  to  them  must  be  given 
credit  for  the  maintenance  of  literary  ambition.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  folly  to  argue  that  they  made  any  advance 
in  the  decades  after  the  Revolution.  Their  first  efforts,  in 
1790,  which  are  not  to  be  disparaged,  were  unsuccessful. 
After  the  failure  of  these  attempts  there  seems  to  have  been 
constant  deterioration.  Since  their  literature  proper  was 
almost  entirely  reminiscent,  it  gradually  disappeared  with 
the  recession  of  the  past.  Many,  as  I  have  intimated, 
recorded  their  impressions;  but  no  one,  so  far  as  I  am  aware, 
possessed  the  outlook  upon  life,  the  imaginative  power,  and 
the  felicity  of  expression  essential  to  success.  There  is  no 
master  among  Loyalist  writers.  Whatever  they  wrote  was 
conditioned  largely  by  the  struggle  in  which  they  had  played 
such  an  absorbing  part.  When  that  struggle  receded  in  their 
memories,  there  were  no  aesthetic  impulses,  no  dreams  of 
the  future,  to  take  its  place.  Progress  in  a  new  country, 
even  under  the  most  favorable  conditions,  is  bound  to  be 
slow.  When  men  are  old  and  hopeless,  it  is  bound  to  be 
slower.  A  typical  case  is  that  of  Timothy  Ruggles  (1711- 
95),  a  graduate  of  Harvard,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas  of  Massachusetts,  and  President  of  the  Con- 
gress at  New  York,  who,  in  all  probability,  would  have  been 
head  of  the  Republic  if  he  had  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Rev- 
olutionists. In  1784,  when  he  was  over  seventy,  he  and 
his  sons,  deserted  by  their  mother,  began  clearing  their 
grants  in  the  land  where  their  descendants  still  live.  Under 
such  circumstances  the  achievements  of  the  new  settlers 
must  have  seemed  discouraging;  yet,  limited  as  they  were, 
they  were  further  curtailed  by  an  event  of  the  first  impor- 
tance —  President  Madison's  Declaration  of  War  against 
Great  Britain. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  RISE  OF  DEMOCRACY 


The  effect  of  the  War  cannot  be  exaggerated.  In  every 
province  economic  conditions  had  permitted  executive  con- 
trol, with  its  endless  train  of  consequence,  to  drift  into  the 
hands  of  a  few  mercenary  families.  During  the  decades 
after  the  Revolution,  when  the  inhabitants  were  engaged  in 
clearing  their  homesteads,  legislative  enactments  meant 
little  enough.  In  the  nineteenth  century,  when  the  nature  of 
these  restrictions  became  apparent,  those  on  whom  they 
had  been  foisted  found  themselves  encompassed  by  a  group 
of  oligarchies  buttressed  in  journalism,  religion,  and  educa- 
tion. Since  the  Councils  possessed  the  ear  and  support  of 
the  Imperial  Government,  hostility  was  therefore  extended 
to  Great  Britain.  As  a  result,  the  people  were  soon  at  odds 
not  only  with  the  Compacts  but  also  with  the  Mother  Coun- 
try. Exactions  by  the  latter  increased  their  irritation  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  Declaration  of  War  by  the  United  States 
found  it  actively  opposed,  contrary  to  belief,  by  few  except 
those  entrusted  with  the  tasks  of  administration. 

The  attitude  of  the  Colonial  Office  had  accelerated  the  in- 
evitable rapprochement  between  the  immigrants  and  their 
relatives  in  New  England  and  the  Central  States.  Through 
force  of  circumstance  they  had  to  depend  largely  on  Yankee 
papers,  Yankee  churches,  and  Yankee  schools.  The  New 
Colonies  were  again  becoming  part  of  the  Old  when  the 
raids  from  the  South  stopped  the  process  of  assimilation, 
and  led  to  organized  resistance.  With  less  than  five  thou- 
sand British  troops  to  support  them,  the  militia  of  the 
Canadas,  aided  by  the  Maritime  regiments,  undertook  the 
defense  of  the  Frontier.    From  a  population  of  two  hun- 

53 


THE  RISE  OF  DEMOCRACY  53 

dred  thousand  people  —  half  French  and  half  English  in 
speech  —  nearly  thirty-five  thousand  men  were  drawn  into 
the  Army  of  the  West.  By  its  attack,  with  its  aftermath  of 
hatred  and  misunderstanding,  the  United  States  thus  de- 
stroyed all  probability  of  absorption,  and  defeated  the 
object  for  which  its  statesmen  had  ostentatiously  labored. 

Notwithstanding  the  losses  of  life  and  property  due  to  the 
invasion,  it  resulted  in  a  feeling  of  unity  and  enthusiasm  of 
which  the  effects  have  been  incalculable.     The  fact  that 
French,  Loyalist,  and  Scotch  battalions,  alone  and  together, 
had  achieved  notable  victories  against  great  odds  at  once 
created  a  semblance  of  union.     Individual  achievements 
excited  further  pride  and  exultation.    De  Salaberry's  dis- 
comfiture of  Wilkinson  at  Chateauguay,  Macdonell's  ad- 
vance from  Glengarry  to  support  the  Voltigeurs,  and  Laura 
Secord's  tramp  to  warn  Fitzgibbon  —  all  these  exploits 
accentuated  the  nationalistic  momentum.     When  the  de- 
pression that  followed  the  fictitious  prosperity  of  the  War 
had  been  halted,  the  new  spirit,  of  which  Sewell's  pamphlet 
on  the  Confederation  is  an  index,  began  to  bear  fruit. 

Meantime  the  Oligarchies  had  strengthened  their  bul- 
warks. Among  the  families  capable  of  disinterested  service 
the  losses  had  been  heavy.  Many  young  Canadians  like 
Captain  Charles  Bailey,  eldest  son  of  the  diarist,  who  was 
killed  at  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  had  laid  down  their  lives. 
Many  others  like  Richardson  the  novelist l  had  been  drawn 
into  the  imperial  forces.  The  Mercenaries  too  had  done 
their  part;  but  what  they  had  lost  in  blood  they  had  gained 
in  power.  At  Queenston  Heights,  where  fifteen  hundred 
troops  were  driven  over  the  cliffs  by  a  thousand  militiamen, 
those  who  escaped  surrendered  to  a  Bostonian;  and  when 
the  body  of  Brock  was  carried  to  the  grave,  it  was  escorted 
by  a  staff  recruited  from  the  scions  of  New  England.  It  is 
easy  to  understand  how  the  Compacts  retained  their  out- 
posts in  the  community. 

1  See  Chapter  XI. 


54  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

When  the  masses,  conscious  at  last  of  servitude,  set  their 
faces  towards  the  goal  to  which  their  origins  pointed,  they 
found  themselves  confronted  by  an  official  press  at  the  beck 
of  the  Reactionaries.  Everywhere  the  battle  for  freedom 
centred  at  first  in  the  newspaper;  and  so  gallantly  was  the 
issue  joined  that,  long  before  the  Confederation,  liberty  of 
speech  had  been  assured,  and,  by  1867,  over  four  hundred 
journals  were  free  to  shape  the  conduct  of  national  concerns. 

From  the  press  the  struggle  extended  to  the  church. 
Through  the  Councils  a  quarter  of  the  population  had  abro- 
gated to  itself  the  rights  of  the  majority.  The  pretensions 
of  the  Establishment  were  therefore  challenged  by  Roman 
Catholics,  Baptists,  Methodists,  and  Presbyterians.  Owing 
to  their  weakness  outside  Quebec,  to  special  prerogatives 
and  ambitions,  and  to  the  hostility  of  other  bodies,  the 
Roman  Catholics  remained  in  comparative  isolation.  For 
opposite  reasons,  the  Baptists,  who  had  stood  courageously 
for  democratic  principles,  failed  to  obtain  a  hearing  in 
the  legislatures  of  the  Dominion.  Lack  of  cohesion  tended 
to  minimize  their  influence  in  public  affairs.  Insistence  upon 
equality  in  worship  was  therefore  reserved  for  Methodists 
and  Presbyterians.  The  former,  coming  into  Nova  Scotia 
from  the  Mother  Country,  depended  largely  upon  immigra- 
tion. During  the  influx  of  the  Pre-Confederation  Period 
many  settlers  from  England  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  or- 
ganization that  had  once  represented  the  radical  wing  of  the 
National  Church;  but  in  spite  of  its  power  it  had  none  of 
the  historic  significance  of  Presbyterianism.  As  the  heredi- 
tary faith  of  many  notable  settlements,  it  contributed  ma- 
terially to  the  strength  of  the  liberal  assault.  Through  its 
persistence  the  Church  of  England  was  driven  from  its 
temporal  estate. 

And  from  its  educational  entrenchments  as  well.  When 
King's  refused  to  admit  matriculants  who  declined  to  sign 
the  thirty-nine  articles,  it  destroyed  most  of  its  usefulness. 
Through  its  refusal  the  Presbyterian  Academy  at  Pictou 


THE  RISE  OF  DEMOCRACY  55 

became  the  corner  stone  of  Dalhousie.    Through  its  refusal 
too  one  of  its  graduates  laid  the  foundations  of  Acadia.    To- 
day it  is  surpassed  by  both  institutions  in  wealth,  range, 
scholarship,  and  influence.     And  what  happened  in  Nova 
Scotia  happened  in  the  other  provinces.    The  colleges  of  the 
Church  of  England  are  everywhere  inferior  in  intellectual 
force  and  attainment  to  those  established  by  the  other  Prot- 
estant denominations.    In  the  early  days,  however,  it  stood 
for  the  cultural  ideals  that  survived  the  Revolution.    The 
first  literary  clubs  like  the  Windsor  Reading  Society,  begun 
in  1792,  were  supported  chiefly  by  its  adherents.    To  them 
likewise  the  theatre   looked  for  patronage.     From    1773, 
when  the  first  public  plays  were  given  at  Halifax,  they  did 
much  to  encourage  the  drama.    In  oils  and  water  colors  they 
were  also  dabblers.     Though  the  society  of  Halifax  and 
Quebec,  in  181 5,  according  to  contemporaneous  accounts, 
was  fully  as  refined  as  that  of  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  there 
was  no  desire  to  extend  its  privileges  to  the  lower  classes. 
Latin  odes,  impromptu  theatricals,  sittings  for  portraits, 
and  dinners  at  Government  House  were  not  for  them.    By 
1867  nearly  half  the  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  over  school 
age  could  not  write  their  names,  and  nearly  one-third  could 
not  read  a  line.     In  Upper  Canada,  where  the  educated 
groups  were  fewer,  and  where  the  villages  had  been  burned 
and    the    countryside    devastated,    conditions   were    even 
worse.     There,  as  elsewhere,   the  support  of  elementary 
schools,  which  were  largely  under  the  patronage  of  the 
Church  of  England,  reverted  to  those  opposed  to  its  suprem- 
acy.  The  privilege  of  service  was  thus  surrendered  by  the 
institution  which  had  kept  alive  the  tradition  of  scholarship 
in  the  dark  hours  of  early  settlement. 

These  three  great  movements  directed  towards  equality 
in  press,  church,  and  school  involved  a  demand  for  respon- 
sible government.  In  Upper  Canada,  where  the  liberal 
parties  were  weak  and  unorganized,  no  native  leader  of 
intellectual  force  arose  to  cheer  them  to  victory.    They  had 


56  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

to  rely  on  Scotch  radicals,  whose  efforts  were  often  ill- 
advised  and  unsuccessful.  From  the  vacillation  and  blood- 
shed which  marked  the  rise  of  democracy  in  the  West  it  is 
pleasant  to  turn  to  the  clearness  of  vision  and  the  single- 
ness of  purpose  displayed  by  its  chief  in  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces. To  Joseph  Howe  their  people  owe  the  institutions 
under  which  they  live,  and  to  him  also  they  are  indebted  for 
many  a  fascinating  record  of  the  period  from  which  they 
emerged. 


CHAPTER  V 

JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN" 

The  close  intellectual  relationship  between  Massachusetts 
and  Nova  Scotia,  and  therefore  between  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  is  nowhere  more  aptly  illustrated  than  by  the 
ancestry  of  Joseph  Howe.  When  the  first  newspaper  printed 
in  New  England  was  taken  from  the  press  by  Chief  Justice 
Sewell,  in  1704,  to  show  to  the  President  of  Harvard  College, 
he  little  thought  that  the  journal  thus  established  would  one 
day  appear  in  the  French  province  of  Acadia.  In  course  of 
time,  however,  it  came  into  the  hands  of  John  Draper,  who 
took  into  partnership  with  him  a  young  Boston  printer, 
John  Howe.  On  the  Evacuation  Draper's  widow  and  the 
junior  partner  packed  up  the  press  of  the  News-Letter  and 
carried  it  off  to  Halifax,  where  the  newspaper  was  amal- 
gamated with  the  Gazette.  In  his  new  home  the  young  New 
Englander  became  a  man  of  some  prominence  —  King's 
Printer  and  Postmaster-General  of  the  Maritime  Provinces. 
In  spite  of  his  uncompromising  loyalty  he  retained  all  the  in- 
dependence of  his  race.  As  a  member  of  the  Sandemanians, 
who  rejected  every  semblance  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  he 
continued  the  tradition  of  dissent  begun  by  his  ancestor,  the 
Puritan  divine  of  the  Commonwealth  whose  name  he  bore. 
Since  his  family  had  settled  in  New  England  early  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  he  was  thoroughly  American  in  thought 
and  feeling;  and  to  him  his  son  Joseph  (1804-73)  owed  his 
knowledge  of  colonial  history  and  ideals.  The  leader  of  the 
liberal  movement  in  Nova  Scotia  was  thus  stimulated  by 
much  that  was  admirable  in  the  life  and  literature  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Like  many  others  who  have  risen  to  greatness,  he  enjoyed 
little  formal  education.    After  a  few  summers  under  Brom- 

57 


58  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

ley,  one  of  the  famous  schoolmasters  of  Loyalist  days,  he 
was  set  to  work  on  the  Gazette,  with  which  he  served  an 
apprenticeship  extending  over  a  decade.  In  the  meantime 
he  had  acquired  literary  tastes  and  ambitions,  and  —  thanks 
to  the  companionship  of  his  father  —  a  remarkable  famil- 
iarity with  Shakespeare  and  the  Bible.  Fugitive  verses  from 
his  pen  began  to  appear  in  the  local  papers.  All  of  these 
experiments,  of  course,  are  immature  and  worthless,  but  one, 
"  Melville  Island,"  a  narrative  and  descriptive  poem  in 
heroic  couplets  containing  many  lines  reminiscent  of  Gold- 
smith, attracted  immediate  attention.  Its  success  probably 
tempted  the  young  poet  to  purchase  the  Weekly  Chronicle,  in 
1827,  in  partnership  with  James  Spike.  During  the  following 
months,  while  it  was  being  conducted  as  the  Acadian,  a  non- 
political  sheet  devoted  to  news,  poetry,  and  local  sketches, 
Howe  completed  his  training.  Though  his  education  had 
been  entirely  informal,  he  was  now  ready  to  begin  the  great 
task  of  his  career. 

This  task  was  the  conduct  of  the  Nova  Scotian,  which  he 
bought,  in  1828,  when  he  was  only  twenty-four.  During  the 
next  seven  years  he  labored  incessantly  to  make  it  the  lead- 
ing newspaper  of  British  North  America.  In  this  ambition 
he  was  eminently  successful;  in  1836  his  profits  were  over 
£1500,  considerably  more  than  he  had  paid  for  the  whole 
plant.  And  the  circulation  was  by  no  means  limited  to 
Nova  Scotia.  Hundreds  of  copies  went  weekly  to  New 
Brunswick,  to  the  Canadas,  to  the  Northern  States,  and 
even  to  Great  Britain.  The  audience  touched  by  its  editor 
has  seldom  been  reached  by  another  of  his  years. 

Its  political  influence,  with  which  I  am  not  concerned, 
was  fully  equalled  by  its  effect  on  literature.  In  the  latter 
movement  Howe  was  the  leading  spirit.  His  sketches  set  a 
new  standard  in  Canadian  prose.  To  acquaint  himself  with 
the  needs  of  the  province,  and  to  extend  the  circulation  of  his 
paper,  he  was  accustomed  to  make  long  excursions  on  foot 
and  horseback  through  the  surrounding  districts.    In  1828 


JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN"    59 

these  expeditions  resulted  in  his  Western  Rambles,  a  series  of 
essays  written  in  an  intimate,  gossipy  style,  and  rilled  with 
striking  pictures  and  pungent  observations.  In  them  Wind- 
sor and  the  Cornwallis  Valley  of  early  days  are  reproduced 
for  future  generations.  Two  years  later  the  circle  of  the 
province  was  completed  by  his  Eastern  Rambles.  These 
were  supplemented,  in  1838,  during  Howe's  absence  in 
Europe  with  his  friend  Haliburton,  by  several  papers  en- 
titled The  Nova  Scotian  Afloat,  and  by  several  articles,  The 
Nova  Scotian  in  England,  which  were  continued  in  1839. 
Though  more  formal  than  the  earlier  sketches,  and  more 
suggestive  of  Irving,  they  are  lightened  by  Howe's  unflag- 
ging humor.  The  two  groups,  uneven  as  they  are,  mark  a 
new  epoch  in  Canadian  prose. 

In  immediate  results,  however,  they  were  surpassed  by 
the  famous  papers  of  The  Club,  which  began  in  1828,  and 
continued  intermittently  until  1832.  Though  these  are 
framed  on  the  model  of  the  Nodes  Ambrosianae,  their  spirit 
is  that  of  the  personal  and  political  satire  carried  into  the 
Maritime  Provinces  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution.  The 
authors  —  Howe,  Haliburton,  Sir  John  Kincaid,  and  others 
whose  names  are  less  familiar  —  met  regularly  at  Howe's 
home  to  plan  their  weekly  assaults.  Directed  at  first  against 
the  Compact,  they  were  soon  extended  to  literature  and 
society.  As  a  result  The  Club  is  an  illuminating  commen- 
tary on  Pre- Confederation  Nova  Scotia.  There  one  may 
find  many  a  witty  characterization  of  men  and  affairs,  of 
"  Joe  Howe  "  and  "  Tom  Haliburton,"  and  of  the  questions 
they  discussed  over  their  wine  and  cigars.  Beneath  the  dis- 
guises, which  are  easily  penetrated,  it  is  possible  to  see  the 
very  form  and  pressure  of  the  time.  Literary  tendencies 
also  become  clear.  The  Club,  with  its  Scotch  twang,  soon 
created  a  taste  for  informal  sketches  in  dialect.  Imitations 
of  its  weekly  skits  and  such  ventures  as  Mrs.  Ramsbottom  in 
Halifax  (1832),  a  series  of  letters  to  John  Bull,  show  how  the 
wind  was  veering.    So  strong  was  its  force  that  a  couple  of 


60  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

years  later  it  blew  in  the  prince  of  peddlers,  Sam  Slick,  the 
Yankee  Clockmaker.  The  Club,  therefore,  is  a  significant 
manifestation  of  the  temper  of  those  who  collaborated  in  its 
production.  Its  popularity,  which  was  fully  as  great  at  the 
time  of  publication  as  that  of  its  famous  successor,  may  be 
gauged  by  Blackwood's  suggestion  that  its  members  as- 
sume the  task  of  editorship  which  Christopher  North  was 
about  to  surrender.  This  proposal  alone  is  sufficient  evi- 
dence of  the  contribution  of  The  Club  to  the  prose  literature 
of  British  North  America. 

Its  witticisms,  however,  were  joint-stock  affairs  in  which 
Howe  was  merely  the  leading  figure.  His  personal  fame  as 
a  journalist  rests  on  his  Legislative  Reviews.  In  the  begin- 
ning he  had  planned  to  conduct  the  Nova  Scotian  as  a  non- 
partisan newspaper,  but  force  of  circumstances  soon  drew 
him  into  the  maelstrom  of  politics.  In  1830  he  began  the 
brilliant  discussions  of  public  affairs  in  Nova  Scotia  and  the 
other  provinces  which  were  to  separate  him  from  Halibur- 
ton  and  to  disrupt  The  Club.  With  these  essays  the  political 
literature  of  Canada  begins. 

Henceforth  Howe  devoted  himself  to  the  struggle  for  de- 
mocracy. His  attack  on  the  Council  of  Twelve  precipitated 
the  question  of  journalistic  freedom.  In  1835  he  published 
a  letter  signed  "  The  People  "  accusing  the  magistrates  of 
Halifax,  who  were  appointed  by  the  Governor,  of  misap- 
propriating £30,000.  When  placed  on  trial  for  libel,  he  de- 
fended himself  in  a  remarkable  speech,  largely  improvised, 
which  lasted  for  nearly  six  hours.  Anyone  who  reads  this, 
his  first  public  address  --  made  by  a  man  barely  out  of  his 
twenties  -  will  sympathize  with  the  Crown  Prosecutor  who 
complained  pathetically  that  he  insisted  on  investing  the 
case  with  an  unwarranted  degree  of  importance. 

"  I  entreat  you,"  cried  Howe  as  he  stood  before  the  jury, 

1  entreat  you  to  believe  that  no  ostentatious  desire  for  display  has 
indui  nl  me  to  undertake  the  labor  and  responsibility  of  this  defence. 


JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN"    6 1 

Unaccustomed  as  I  am  to  the  forms  of  courts  and  to  the  rules  of  law, 
I  would  gladly  have  availed  myself  of  professional  aid;  but  I  have  felt 
that  this  cause  ought  to  turn  on  no  mere  technicality  or  nice  doctrine 
of  law  but  on  those  broad  and  simple  principles  of  truth  and  justice  to 
which  an  unpractised  speaker  may  readily  appeal,  and  which  an  im- 
partial jury  can  as  readily  comprehend.  I  have  felt  besides  that,  if 
the  press  is  to  be  subjected  to  a  series  of  persecutions  such  as  this,  it 
is  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  those  who  conduct  it  that  they  should 
learn  to  defend  themselves. 

Pointing  then  to  his  accusers,  he  demanded  in  scorn: 

Why  have  they  not  afforded  the  means  indispensable  to  a  calm  and 
enlightened  review  of  their  public  conduct  ? 

Gentlemen,  they  dared  not  do  it.  Yes,  my  lords,  I  tell  you  in  their 
presence,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  community  whose  confidence 
they  have  abused,  that  they  dared  not  do  it.  They  knew  that  discre- 
tion was  the  better  part  of  valor,  and  that  it  might  be  safer  to  attempt 
to  punish  me  than  to  justify  themselves.  There  is  a  certain  part  of 
a  ship  through  which  when  a  seaman  crawls  he  subjects  himself  to  the 
derision  of  the  deck,  because  it  is  taken  as  an  admission  of  cowardice 
and  incompetence;  and  had  not  these  jobbing  justices  crawled  in 
here  through  the  legal  lubberhole  of  indictment,  I  would  have  sent 
them  out  of  court  in  a  worse  condition  than  Falstaff's  ragged  regi- 
ment —  they  would  not  have  dared  to  march,  even  through  Coven- 
try, in  a  body. 

Anyone  who  follows  this  speech  to  its  moving  peroration 
will  understand  why,  with  the  verdict  of  "  Not  guilty," 
journalism  in  British  North  America  received  its  Magna 
Charta. 

A  few  months  later  Howe  began  his  political  career  as  a 
member  of  the  Assembly.  His  advocacy  of  liberalism  in  re- 
ligious and  educational  affairs  may  be  traced  in  his  Speeches 
and  Public  Letters.  Many  of  his  measures  he  was  able  to 
effect.  Many  others  such  as  the  establishment  of  a  central 
university  he  was  unable  to  compass.  Even  today,  after  the 
lapse  of  nearly  seventy-five  years,  the  people  of  his  native 
province  scarcely  realize  the  loss  which  they  have  incurred 
by  attempting  to  maintain  a  number  of  poorly  equipped 


62  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

colleges  separated  by  a  wall  of  sectarian  prejudice.1  The 
story  of  his  political  adventures,  culminating  in  his  elevation 
to  the  lieutenant-governorship  of  Nova  Scotia,  lies,  how- 
ever, beyond  the  bounds  of  this  chapter. 

His  speeches,  on  the  other  hand,  cannot  be  overlooked. 
In  intimacy  and  charm  there  had  been  nothing  to  compare 
with  them.  One  has  but  to  glance  at  the  stately  discourses 
of  the  Loyalists  who  formed  the  Compacts,  or  even  the 
classical  addresses  of  the  New  England  orators,  to  realize 
the  advent  of  a  new  ideal.  The  simple  directness  of  Howe's 
manner  points  to  the  final  authority  of  the  common  people. 
Aside  from  the  inimitable  style,  flexible  and  luminous, 
which  he  had  acquired  by  many  a  night's  toil  on  the  Nova 
Scotian,  they  are  chiefly  remarkable  for  their  similitudes. 
From  the  treasury  of  literature,  which  he  knew  as  no  one 
else  of  his  day,  and  from  the  resources  of  Nature,  whose 
beauties  he  strove  to  reveal  to  his  countrymen,  Howe  could 
draw  at  will  the  magic  phrase  to  illuminate  his  thought. 
Even  the  trivial  is  raised  to  distinction. 

An  excellent  example  of  his  ability,  through  apt  compari- 
son, to  invest  a  matter-of-fact  subject  with  dignity  is  to  be 
found  in  his  celebrated  address  at  the  Reciprocity  Con- 
vention in  Detroit: 

Sir,  we  are  here  to  determine  how  best  we  can  draw  together  in  the 
bonds  of  peace,  friendship,  and  commercial  prosperity  the  three  great 
branches  of  the  British  family.  In  the  presence  of  this  great  theme  all 
petty  interests  should  stand  rebuked.  We  are  not  dealing  with  the  con- 
cerns of  a  city,  a  province,  or  a  state,  but  with  the  future  of  our  race  in 
all  time  to  come.  Some  reference  has  been  made  to  elevators.  .  .  . 
What  we  want  is  an  elevator  to  lift  our  souls  to  the  height  of  this  great 
argument.  Why  should  not  these  three  great  branches  of  the  family 
flourish,  under  different  systems  of  government,  it  may  be,  but  forming 
one  grand  whole,  proud  of  a  common  origin  and  of  their  advanced 


1  This  characterization  does  not  apply  to  all  the  colleges  of  Nova  Scotia 
or  the  Maritime  Provinces.  Several  are  now  capable  of  doing  excellent  work. 
Through  its  library-  Acadia  has  done  much  to  encourage  the  study  of  Cana- 
dian history  and  literature. 


JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN"    63 

civilization  ?  .  .  .  The  clover  lifts  its  trefoil  leaves  to  the  evening 
dew,  yet  they  draw  their  nourishment  from  a  single  stem.  Thus 
distinct  but  yet  united  let  us  nourish. 

Alone  among  the  men  of  his  day  Howe  seems  to  have 
sensed  the  ultimate  relationship  of  the  English-speaking 
peoples.  No  one  else  at  any  rate  foresaw  with  such  acumen 
the  direction  of  the  forces  working  towards  the  independ- 
ence and  amalgamation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  commonwealths. 
So  clear  was  his  insight  into  the  problems  of  equality  and 
union  that,  even  at  a  time  when  the  conventional  hatred  of 
the  United  States  had  perverted  the  upper  classes,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  challenge  the  aspersions  against  the  Republic  in 
which  the  Compacts  traded.  Among  his  noblest  efforts  is  his 
impromptu  reply  to  one  of  these  attacks: 

Sir,  I  trust  that  those  who  hear  me  will  be  disposed  to  ask  them- 
selves not  what  exists  in  England  under  circumstances  very  different 
from  ours;  not  what  exists  in  republican  America,  created  out  of  a 
state  of  things  which  is  not  likely  to  be  forced  on  us;  but  what  is  re- 
quired by  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  under  the  circumstances  in 
which  we  are  placed.  .  .  .  But,  Sir,  when  I  hear  it  asserted  that 
there  is  nothing  practical  in  the  institutions  of  our  neighbors;  that  they 
are  based  on  mere  speculation;  that  beneath  their  shade  neither  life, 
liberty,  nor  property  are  secure,  a  sense  of  justice  —  of  what  is  due  to 
the  absent  —  would  compel  me  to  say  something  even  in  an  enemy's 
defence. 

Nowhere  does  the  chivalry  of  Howe's  character  appear 
to  better  advantage. 

Like  every  trait  it  was  part  of  the  devotion  to  truth  that 
he  expressed  so  simply  in  his  lecture  on  eloquence.  Ad- 
dressing the  young  men  whom  he  loved  to  gather  around 
him  to  instruct  and  inspire,  he  began  with  the  following 
exhortation: 

You  will  expect  me  to  apply  my  rule  to  eloquence  in  its  more  ex- 
tended sense,  and  I  shall  endeavor  to  do  so  by  and  by,  although  I 
must  confess  that  I  love  to  linger  upon  the  less  pretending,  domestic, 
and,  if  you  will,  inferior  departments  of  the  art.  Perhaps  it  maybe  that 
I  feel  my  inability  to  cope  with  the  critics  by  whom  the  highroad  has 


64  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

been  beaten,  and  am  more  at  my  ease  in  the  byways.  It  may  be  that 
I  would  rather  have  you  all  good  men  and  true,  able  "  to  give  a  reason 
for  the  faith  that  is  in  you,"  and  to  speak  a  word  in  season  without 
dissimulation  and  without  fear  than  to  have  two  or  three  of  you  dis- 
tinguished rhetoricians  able  to  maintain  either  side  of  any  question  and 
not  much  caring  which  side  you  take.  It  may  be  that  I  overvalue  this 
essential  element  of  sincerity;  but  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  believe 
that  there  is  any  true  eloquence  without  it. 

That  Howe  is  known  as  one  of  the  first  masters  of  the  art 
—  the  only  Canadian  who  can  be  compared  with  Burke  — 
should  not  tempt  one  to  forget  his  other  contributions  to 
the  literature  of  the  Dominion.  In  his  later  years  he  had 
hopes  of  devoting  his  leisure  hours  to  the  pursuits  he  had 
been  forced  to  abandon  in  his  youth.  These  hopes  were 
never  realized ;  but  in  spite  of  the  pressure  of  public  affairs 
he  wrote  two  poems  at  least,  "  Our  Fathers,"  and  the  me- 
morial lines,  "  Hail  to  the  day  when  the  Britons  came  over," 
which  have  all  the  rush  and  swing  of  his  own  unshackled 
spirit.  It  was  as  a  pamphleteer,  however,  that  he  won  the 
admiration  of  Europe  and  America.  When  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, sick  at  heart  with  the  turmoil  of  colonial  admin- 
istration, proposed  to  abandon  the  Overseas  Territories, 
Howe  threw  himself  into  the  fight  for  imperial  unity  at  the 
height  of  his  powers.  From  the  platforms  of  England  he 
brought  to  its  people  new  visions  of  usefulness.  As  a  memo- 
rial of  the  crusade  which  won  the  acknowledgment  of  auton- 
omy within  the  Britannic  Alliance,  his  Organization  of  the 
Empire,  a  number  of  letters  addressed  to  Lord  John  Russell, 
is  a  unique  document.  In  dignity,  fairness,  and  imaginative 
outlook  it  has  seldom  been  surpassed.  In  illustration  of  its 
author's  genius  I  cannot  do  better  than  quote  the  closing 
paragraphs: 

If.  my  lord,  in  every  one  of  the  three  greal  kingdoms  from  which  the 

populal  ion  of  British  Amerii  a  derive  l heir  origin  the  evils  of  which  we 

<  omplain  were  experienced  and  continued  until  the  principles  we  claim 

ir  birthright  became  firmly  established,  is  it  to  he  expected  that  we 

shall  not  endeavor  to  rid  ourselves  by  respectful  argument  and  remon- 


JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN"    65 

strance  of  what  cost  you  open  and  violent  resistance  to  put  down  ? 
Can  an  Englishman,  an  Irishman,  or  a  Scotchman  be  made  to  believe 
by  passing  a  month  upon  the  sea  that  the  most  stirring  periods  of  his 
history  are  but  a  cheat  and  a  delusion;  that  the  scenes  which  he  has 
been  accustomed  to  tread  with  deep  emotion  are  but  mementoes  of 
the  folly  and  not,  as  he  once  fondly  believed,  of  the  wisdom  and  cour- 
age of  his  ancestors;  that  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  which  from 
childhood  he  has  been  taught  to  cherish  and  to  protect  by  forms  of 
stringent  responsibility  must,  with  the  new  light  breaking  in  upon  him 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  be  cast  aside  as  a  useless  encumbrance? 
No,  my  lord,  it  is  madness  to  suppose  that  these  men,  so  remarkable 
for  carrying  their  national  characteristics  into  every  part  of  the  world 
where  they  penetrate,  shall  lose  the  most  honorable  of  them  all  merely 
by  passing  from  one  portion  of  the  Empire  to  another.  Nor  is  it  to  be 
supposed  that  Nova  Scotians,  New  Brunswickers,  and  Canadians  — 
a  race  sprung  from  the  generous  admixture  of  the  blood  of  the  three 
foremost  nations  of  the  world  —  proud  of  their  parentage  and  not  un- 
worthy of  it,  to  whom  every  stirring  period  of  British  and  Irish  history, 
every  great  principle  which  they  teach,  every  phrase  of  freedom  to  be 
gleaned  from  them,  are  as  familiar  as  household  words,  can  be  in  haste 
to  forget  what  they  learnt  upon  their  parents'  knees,  what  those  they 
loved  and  honored  clung  to  with  so  much  pride,  and  regarded  as  be- 
yond all  price.  Those  who  expect  them  thus  to  belie  their  origin,  or  to 
disgrace  it,  may  as  soon  hope  to  see  the  streams  turn  back  upon  their 
fountains. 

My  lord,  my  countrymen  feel,  as  they  have  a  right  to  feel,  that  the 
Atlantic,  the  great  highway  of  communication  with  their  brethren  at 
home,  should  be  no  barrier  to  shut  out  the  civil  privileges  and  political 
rights,  which,  more  than  anything  else,  make  them  proud  of  the  con- 
nection; and  they  feel  also  that  there  is  nothing  in  their  present  posi- 
tion or  past  conduct  to  warrant  such  exclusion.  Whatever  impression 
may  have  been  made  by  the  wholesome  satire  wherewith  one  of  my 
countrymen  has  endeavored  to  excite  the  others  to  still  greater  exer- 
tions, those  who  fancy  that  Nova  Scotians  are  an  inferior  race  to  those 
who  dwell  upon  the  ancient  homestead,  or  that  they  will  be  contented 
with  a  less  degree  of  freedom,  know  little  of  them.  A  country  that  a 
century  ago  was  but  a  wilderness,  and  is  even  now  studded  with  towns 
and  villages,  and  intersected  with  roads,  even  though  more  might  have 
been  done  under  a  better  system,  affords  some  evidence  of  industry. 
Nova  Scotia  ships  bearing  the  English  flag  into  every  quarter  of  the 
globe  are  some  proofs  of  enterprise;  and  the  success  of  the  native 
author  to  whom  I  have  alluded  in  the  wide  field  of  intellectual  com- 
petition more  than  contradicts  the  humorous  exaggeration  by  which, 


66  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

while  we  are  stimulated  to  higher  efforts,  others  may  be  for  a  moment 
misled. 

If,  then,  our  right  to  inherit  the  Constitution  be  clear,  if  our  capac- 
ity to  maintain  and  enjoy  it  cannot  be  questioned,  have  we  done  any- 
thing to  justify  the  alienation  of  our  birthright  ?  Many  of  the  original 
settlers  of  this  province  emigrated  from  the  Old  Colonies  when  they 
were  in  a  state  of  rebellion — not  because  they  did  not  love  freedom,  but 
because  they  loved  it  under  the  old  banner  and  the  old  forms  —  and 
many  of  their  descendants  have  shed  their  blood  on  land  and  sea  to 
defend  the  honor  of  the  Crown  and  the  integrity  of  the  Empire.  On 
some  of  the  hardest  fought  fields  of  the  Peninsula  my  countrymen 
died  in  the  front  rank  with  their  faces  to  the  foe.  The  proudest  naval 
trophy  of  the  last  American  War  was  brought  by  a  Nova  Scotian 
into  the  harbor  of  his  native  town;  and  the  blood  that  flowed  from 
Nelson's  death  wound  in  the  cockpit  of  the  Victory  mingled  with  that 
of  a  Nova  Scotia  stripling  beside  him  struck  down  in  the  same  glorious 
fight. 

Am  I  not  justified,  my  lord,  in  claiming  for  my  countrymen  that 
Constitution  which  can  be  withheld  from  them  by  no  plea  but  one  un- 
worthy of  a  British  statesman  —  the  tyrant's  plea  of  power  ?  I 
know  that  I  am;  and  I  feel  also  that  this  is  not  the  race  that  can  be 
hoodwinked  with  sophistry  or  made  to  submit  to  injustice  without 
complaint.  All  suspicion  of  disloyalty  we  cast  aside  as  the  product  of 
ignorance  or  cupidity;  we  seek  for  nothing  more  than  British  subjects 
are  entitled  to,  but  we  will  be  contented  with  nothing  less. 

Though  the  spirit  of  Howe,  the  champion  of  democracy, 
is  here  supreme,  no  one  who  wishes  to  understand  his  hold 
on  the  hearts  of  men  should  fail  to  read  the  graceful  little 
notes  written  from  the  home  made  for  him  by  his  wife, 
Susan  Ann  McNab,  daughter  of  Captain  John  McNab  of 
the  Royal  Nova  Scotia  Fencibles.  There  one  finds  the 
"  Joe  Howe  "  of  the  editor's  chair  and  the  country  picnic  — 
the  irrepressible,  good-humored,  rather  whimsical  hero,  a 
little  too  spectacular  and  a  little  too  unstable  for  the  hum- 
drum routine  of  daily  life,  prodigal  of  his  substance  and  his 
powers,  and  as  ready  to  forgive  an  enemy  as  to  meet  him  on 
the  field  of  honor.  This  is  the  man  of  whom  a  poet-critic 
wrote: 

Our  fingers  quiver  as  we  write  his  name. 


JOSEPH  HOWE  AND  THE  "NOVA  SCOTIAN"    67 

As  journalist,  essayist,  statesman,  orator,  pamphleteer, 
and  friend,  he  touched  his  native  country  at  every  angle. 
From  his  press  also  he  issued  every  year  some  work  of  sig- 
nificance on  its  history  or  literature,  and  at  the  chief  of  these 
it  is  now  necessary  to  glance. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THOMAS  CHANDLER  HALIBURTON  AND  THE  LOYALIST 
TRADITION  IN  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF 
AMERICAN  HUMOR 

To  turn  the  pages  of  Etudes  sur  la  Litterature  et  les  Moeurs 
des  Anglo- Americains  au  XI Xe  Steele  of  Philarete  Chasles, 
which  is  available  in  an  English  translation,  startles  a  reader 
as  the  Yankee  peddler  startled  the  critic.  His  chapter  on 
Sam  Slick,  which  first  appeared  in  La  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,  the  organ  of  the  intellectuals,  reflects  the  general 
impression  that  its  appearance  heralded  a  new  force  in 
literature. 

Slick  appeared  as  a  challenge  from  the  New  World  to  the 
Old.  To  Chasles  there  is  something  mysterious  about  the 
strange  little  volume,  with  its  grimaces,  its  exclamations, 
and  its  italics,  that  had  dropped  from  nowhere  into  the 
salons  of  Paris  as  if  to  question  all  accepted  canons.  Its 
author  is  not,  he  writes  in  surprise,  a  lyric  or  an  epic  poet  in 
whose  verse  are  mirrored  the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  his 
native  land.  The  Clockmaker  is  a  type  in  itself.  Until  its 
advent,  Americans  had  kept  their  eyes  fixed  on  Europe, 
and  their  prose  and  verse  at  best  had  been  feeble  reflections 
of  Old  World  splendor.  Slick,  interrupting  the  tradition  of 
subservience,  is  the  first  sign  of  a  new  civilization. 

Since  the  days  of  Scott,  continues  Chasles  in  his  enthu- 
siastic French  way,  there  had  been  nothing  better.  Flashing 
from  experience  like  a  spark  from  a  rock,  Sam  embodies  all 
the  qualities  of  the  merchant,  the  diplomat,  and  the  savage. 
Intellectually  frank,  he  studies  with  fascinated  eyes  that 
clock  with  a  thousand  wheels --the  human  soul.  Always 
he  addresses  himself  to  facts.    Across  his  canvas  flit  twenty 

68 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        69 

personages  —  more  vital  than  Cooper's  —  who  are  drawn 
not  from  the  romantic  life  of  wood  and  desert  but  from  the 
dull  routine  of  farm  and  city.  Haliburton,  insists  Chasles, 
has  penetrated  the  secrets  of  the  New  World,  and  has  per- 
sonified successfully  the  elements  of  American  society.  He 
is  of  the  West,  the  first  notable  manifestation  of  its  genius. 

A  decade  later,  when  Haliburton's  work  was  nearly 
finished,  Emile  Montegut,  another  of  the  group  of  critics 
associated  with  Taine  and  La  Revue  des  Deux  Monies,  who 
translated  Shakespeare  and  Emerson,  and  whose  knowl- 
edge of  English  and  American  literature  was  probably  equal 
to  that  of  his  better  known  contemporary,  analyzed  his 
method.  According  to  him,  American  authors  like  Irving 
and  Cooper  endeavor  to  follow  the  stream  of  Old  World 
tradition.  Haliburton,  springing  from  the  source  itself,  pos- 
sesses the  Anglo-Saxon  characteristics  of  force,  prolixity, 
and  humor.  Beyond  Dickens  and  Thackeray  he  is  essen- 
tially English. 

Though  both  appreciations  —  one  regarding  him  as 
peculiarly  American,  the  other  as  peculiarly  English  —  in- 
dicate the  dangers  of  the  socio-racial  theory  popularized  by 
Taine,  they  are  substantially  true.  Haliburton  represents 
more  accurately  than  any  other  Pre-Confederation  writer 
the  main  tendencies  of  Canadian  life  and  literature,  tend- 
encies inextricably  connected  with  developments  south  of 
the  Border,  and  therefore  American  even  in  the  narrower 
sense  of  the  word,  yet  as  undoubtedly  English  as  the  people 
of  this  Continent  were  English  in  thought  and  speech  after 
the  Revolution.  It  is  true  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States,  influenced  by  European  ideals,  have  diverged  more 
widely  from  the  New  England  norm  than  have  their  cousins 
in  the  Canadas;  but  the  divergence  is  not  so  great  as  com- 
monly supposed.  A  hundred  and  fifty  years  count  for 
little  in  the  life  of  kindred  peoples.  The  work  of  Haliburton, 
therefore,  is,  in  many  respects,  as  much  of  the  United  States 
as  of  Canada,  and  as  much  of  Great  Britain  as  of  either. 


70  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Nevertheless,  it  indicates  in  a  peculiar  way  the  attitude  of 
the  English-speaking  people  of  British  North  America  dur- 
ing the  Pre-Confederation  Period.  It  reflects  the  shrewd 
common  sense  of  the  first  New  England  settlers;  the  culture, 
the  superciliousness,  and  the  petulance  of  the  Loyalists;  the 
warmth  and  sincerity  of  the  Scotch  immigrants. 

The  ancestry  of  the  Nova  Scotian  humorist  is  especially 
interesting  to  those  who  would  understand  his  temper.  Like 
the  greatest  of  Scotch  novelists,  he  was  descended  from  an 
old  Border  family,  the  Haliburtons  of  Mertoun  and  New- 
mains.  According  to  family  tradition,  never  fully  sub- 
stantiated, his  great-great-grandfather,  as  was  Sir  Walter 
Scott's,  was  Thomas  Haliburton  of  Newmains.  The  grand- 
son of  this  Thomas,  whose  father  had  emigrated  to  New 
York,  where  he  married  an  Otis,  removed  to  Nova  Scotia 
from  Scituate,  near  Boston,  when  the  Acadian  lands  were 
opened  for  settlement.  At  Douglas,  on  the  headwaters  of 
the  St.  Croix,  his  wife,  also  an  Otis,  gave  birth  to  a  son, 
William  Hersey,  who  became  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas.  By  his  wife,  daughter  of  one  of  Wolfe's 
officers  who  was  killed  at  the  storming  of  Fort  Stanwix 
while  in  command  of  the  New  York  Volunteers,  the  Chief 
Justice  had  one  son,  Thomas  Chandler  (i 796-1865),  the 
most  distinguished  of  his  name.  By  birth  Haliburton  was 
thus  connected  with  the  principal  elements  of  Canadian 
society. 

This  connection  was  strengthened  by  his  education  and 
life  in  Windsor,  where  he  attended  the  Grammar  School  and 
the  University  of  King's  College.  The  latter  institution, 
where  Lilly's  Grammar  was  in  use  in  1845,  preserved  its 
mediaeval  character  long  after  its  English  prototypes  had 
been  modernized.  Though  narrow  and  unprogressive,  it 
offered  its  students  an  excellent  classical  education.  When 
Haliburton  was  graduated,  it  was  therefore  natural  that  he 
should  take  as  the  subject  of  his  English  Prize  Essay,  The 
Advantages  Derived  from  a  Study  of  the  Classics.    At  King's, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        7 1 

the  centre  of  Loyalist  culture,  he  met  many  young  Nova 
Scotians  who  were  destined  to  become  famous  -  -  Sir  John 
Inglis,  the  defender  of  Lucknow,  Sir  William  Fenwick 
Williams,  the  commandant  of  Kars,  and  Admiral  Sir  Prevo 
Wallis,  who  sailed  the  Chesapeake  into  the  harbor  of  his  na- 
tive town  after  Captain  Brooke  had  been  wounded.  Through 
his  father's  position,  moreover,  he  had  access  to  the  aris- 
tocratic and  exclusive  society  of  Windsor.  In  1800  its  in- 
habitants consisted  of  Loyalist  families,  Church  of  England 
clergy,  the  professors  at  King's,  the  members  of  one  of  the 
colonies  of  French  emigres  established  in  Canada,  several 
provincial  dignitaries  who  had  their  estates  in  the  vicinity, 
and  the  officers  and  men  of  an  infantry  detachment.  It  is 
not  difficult  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  ideas  which  Haliburton 
maintained  in  the  long  series  of  books  which  bear  his  name. 
These  volumes  are  the  full  outflowering  of  the  Loyalist  Tra- 
dition, the  last  and  greatest  monument  of  the  Tory  spirit. 
The  mantle  laid  down  by  Jonathan  Odell  and  his  fellow 
satirists  was  thus  taken  up  by  Haliburton  and  his  associates. 
It  remained  for  the  War  of  181 2  with  its  tale  of  success  to 
accomplish  what  the  Revolution  with  its  story  of  defeat 
could  not  effect. 

Under  the  stimulus  of  the  war,  Haliburton  began  to  dream 
of  public  service.  To  a  man  with  literary  tastes  and  ambi- 
tions the  natural  career  was  in  his  father's  profession.  On 
being  called  to  the  Bar,  he  began  practice  at  Annapolis 
Royal.  So  effective  was  his  pleading  that  he  was  invited  to 
represent  the  county  in  the  Legislature.  In  the  perform- 
ance of  his  duties  there  he  seems  to  have  acted  with 
an  independence  seldom  found  under  such  circumstances. 
On  many  occasions  he  courageously  supported  unpopular 
causes.  He  was,  for  instance,  the  first  statesman  in  the 
British  Empire  to  advocate  successfully  the  removal  of 
Catholic  disabilities.  The  effect  produced  by  his  speech  on 
this  occasion  does  not  seem  to  have  been  unwarranted.  The 
reports  in  existence  show  that  he  approached  his  subject 


72  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

with  moderation,  sincerity,  and  skill.  Moreover,  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  teaching  of  his  party,  he  labored  to  extend 
the  scope  of  popular  education.  His  ridicule  of  the  Council 
for  its  refusal  of  a  grant  to  the  common  schools  and  the 
Presbyterian  Academy  at  Pictou  led  to  an  open  quarrel  be- 
tween the  two  houses.  When  the  lower  eventually  yielded, 
he  withdrew  in  disgust  to  accept  a  position  rendered  vacant 
by  the  death  of  his  father  —  the  chief -justiceship  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas.  With  chivalric  ideals  —  in  his 
younger  days  at  least  —  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  enjoy 
the  bitterness  of  legislative  strife  dominated,  as  he  felt,  by 
personal  ends.  To  a  man  who  thought  in  continents  the 
parochial  bickerings  of  his  fellow  members  must  have  been 
peculiarly  distasteful.  Doubtless  he  was  glad  to  close  a 
phase  of  his  career  that  once  seemed  full  of  promise.  Though 
not  noted  for  readiness  in  debate,  he  was  a  polished  and 
effective  speaker;  on  formal  occasions  his  manner  was 
usually  earnest,  dignified,  and  impressive.  "Usually"; 
for  it  is  said  that  Howe  when  reporting  would  often  lay  down 
his  pen  to  listen  when  a  flash  of  homely  wit  would  lighten 
his  argument.  And  indeed  the  contrast  between  his  exces- 
sive hauteur  and  plebeian  taste  —  one  of  his  most  striking 
traits  —  is  often  mentioned  by  contemporaries. 

By  them  he  is  pictured  as  slender  and  graceful,  but 
robust,  in  appearance.  With  large  face  tanned  by  exposure, 
with  ruddy  cheeks,  keen  blue  eyes,  and  lips  stained  with 
tobacco  juice,  he  is  described  by  Thomas  Trollope  as  an 
English  squire --with  a  difference.  In  his  portraits  the 
smile  lurking  under  the  corners  of  the  mouth  conveys  a  sug- 
gestion of  weakness  and  ineffectiveness  in  sharp  contrast  to 
the  strength  and  tenacity  indicated  by  the  contour  of  the 
forehead.  Though  his  intellectual  life  was  rich  and  absorb- 
ing, he  loved  the  things  of  the  flesh;  enjoyed  to  the  full 
whatever  comforts  he  could  acquire;  drank  much;  smoked 
more;  and  la<  ked  altogether  the  fineness  of  feeling  and  the 
sternness  of  purpose  essential  to  greatness.     "He  was  an 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        73 

Epicurean  philosopher  modified  a  little  for  the  better  by 
Christianity  and  for  the  worse  by  practical  politics." 

As  I  have  indicated,  he  was  glad  to  leave  the  chicaneries 
of  the  Legislature  for  the  quiet  of  the  Bench.  For  thirty 
years  after  his  elevation  he  lived  at  Windsor  pleasantly  and 
uneventfully,  but  with  small  heed  to  the  more  generous  im- 
pulses of  his  youth.  In  18 16,  after  a  romantic  courtship,  he 
married  Louisa,  daughter  of  Captain  Lawrence  Neville  of 
the  Nineteenth  Dragoons.  By  her  he  had  seven  children, 
one  of  whom,  Arthur  Lawrence,  Under  Secretary  of  State 
for  War,  was  created  Lord  Haliburton  in  1898.  At  Clifton, 
a  picturesque  estate  of  forty  acres  not  far  from  his  alma 
mater,  he  lived  and  wrote,  stimulated  by  his  family,  by  an 
intimate  group  of  the  noblesse,  and  by  the  members  of  The 
Club.  Of  the  weekly  meetings  of  this  organization  Howe 
has  left  a  lasting  memorial  in  his  "Toast  to  Tom  Halibur- 
ton," written  after  the  latter  had  removed  to  England: 

Here's  a  health  to  thee,  Tom!    May  the  mists  of  this  earth 

Never  shadow  the  light  of  that  soul 
Which  so  often  has  lent  the  mild  flashes  of  mirth 

To  illumine  the  depths  of  the  bowl. 

These  rollicking,  good-natured  verses  portray  the  humor- 
ist in  one  of  his  characteristic  moods;  but  in  spite  of  his 
convivialities  he  continued  to  entrench  himself  in  his  pro- 
fession. In  1 84 1,  when  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  was 
abolished,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Supreme  Court,  where 
he  sat  until  1856.  Here,  twenty-five  years  after  he  had 
advocated  the  removal  of  Catholic  disabilities,  he  was  called 
upon  to  rule  that  laymen,  as  British  subjects,  cannot  be 
restricted  by  ecclesiastical  authority.  It  is  a  curious  com- 
mentary on  his  dual  nature  that  a  man  who  thus  rendered 
a  decision  of  prime  importance  is  also  remembered  by  one 
of  the  most  atrocious  puns  ever  made  in  a  British  court. 
When  a  juror  begged  to  be  excused  because  he  had  the  itch, 
Haliburton,  turning  towards  the  clerk,  remarked  in  legal 
parlance,  "  Scratch  that  man."    At  any  moment  his  pro- 


74  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

f essional  decorum  was  likely  to  be  usurped  by  the  buffoonery 
of  a  schoolboy: 

His  twinkling  eyes  so  exquisitely  droll 
Beamed  in  their  sockets  like  a  burning  coal 
So  that  the  Court  would  for  an  instant  pause, 
And  join  the  audience  in  their  loud  guffaws. 

Gradually,  however,  his  exuberance  subsided.  Time  had 
separated  him  from  the  little  band  of  companions  to  whom 
he  owed  so  much.  His  wife  was  dead;  his  children  were 
grown  up  and  settled  elsewhere;  and  he  was  left  alone  at 
Crofton.  As  King's  was  no  longer  the  educational  centre  of 
the  province,  no  one  appeared  to  take  the  place  of  those  who 
had  gone.  Happily  for  him,  he  was  induced  to  remove  to 
England,  where  the  change  from  the  solitude  of  Windsor  to 
the  bustle  of  London  seemed  to  restore  his  waning  energy. 
Before  long  he  gravitated  towards  one  of  the  literary  coteries 
of  the  metropolis.  Of  those  who  formed  this  group  Bar- 
ham  and  Theodore  Hooke,  a  free  lance  with  whom  Hali- 
burton  had  much  in  common,  were  the  most  congenial. 
When  Bentley  published  Sam  Slick,  which  had  been  taken 
to  England  by  General  Fox,  he  presented  his  creator  with  a 
salver  bearing  an  inscription  by  the  author  of  The  Ingoldsby 
Legends.  This  presentation  eventually  led  to  friendship 
between  the  two  writers.  With  Hooke  they  dined  regularly 
at  the  Athenaeum;  and  amid  its  pleasant  surroundings 
Haliburton  established  a  reputation  as  one  of  the  leading 
conversationalists  of  the  day. 

More  important  than  these  literary  alliances  was  his 
friendship  with  the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  through  whose 
influence  he  was  returned  to  Parliament  from  Launceston. 
Though  he  regarded  himself  as  member-at-large  for  the 
Transatlantic  Territories,  his  advocacy  of  imperialism  was 
out  of  tune.  Gladstone,  as  premier,  was  bitterly  opposed  to 
any  kind  of  legislative  union.  Indeed,  the  leaders  of  both 
parties  were  unanimous  in  their  feeling  that  the  Mother 
Country  received  no  adequate  return  for  the  expense  and 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        75 

danger  of  colonial  administration.  The  masses  alone  fa- 
vored the  retention  of  the  Colonies.  Some  observers  have 
argued  that  their  attitude  may  be  traced  to  Haliburton's 
influence,  but  it  is  dangerous  to  theorize  over  the  results  of 
his  popularity.  In  Parliament  at  any  rate  it  did  not  count 
for  much.  His  career  was  a  failure.  Since  he  was  pecul- 
iarly dependent  on  external  stimulus,  the  hostility  of  the 
House  rendered  his  speeches  cold  and  lifeless.  Success, 
moreover,  had  made  him  self-complacent.  He  was  evi- 
dently unaware  of  the  effort  required  to  achieve  distinction 
in  a  body  which  has  always  been  chary  of  praise.  The 
habits  of  mind  inculcated  by  the  Slick  series  were  largely 
desultory  and  inconsequential  and  therefore  adverse  to  the 
acquisition  of  an  effective  argumentative  style.  Self-indul- 
gence besides  had  undermined  his  vitality  and  sapped  much 
of  the  power  and  grace  which  had  made  him  preeminent  in 
the  Legislature  of  Nova  Scotia.  It  is  not  surprising,  then, 
that  this  part  of  his  career  is  remembered  chiefly  by  Bernal 
Osborne's  suggestion  that  he  undertake  another  edition  of 
the  Rambler. 

Owing  to  increasing  weakness  he  did  not  offer  himself  for 
reelection  in  1865.  Nevertheless,  his  last  years  were  far 
from  unhappy.  In  1856  he  had  married  Harriet,  widow  of 
Edward  Hosier  Williams,  a  cultivated  woman  who  gave  him 
the  love  and  companionship  he  craved.  Gordon  House  on 
the  Thames,  where  they  lived,  became  the  centre  of  a  little 
society  not  unlike  that  of  his  earlier  years.  Nor  was  other 
recognition  of  his  genius  lacking.  In  1856  Oxford  conferred 
on  him  the  honorary  degree  of  D.C.L. ;  the  Cabinet  offered 
him  a  governorship.  But  his  public  life  was  over,  and  his 
last  years  were  spent  in  quiet  retirement  and  philanthropic 
endeavor  among  the  villagers  of  Ipswich.  His  body  lies  on 
the  banks  of  the  Thames  not  far  from  the  grave  of  Captain 
Vancouver. 

His  work,  completed  sometime  before  his  death,  falls  into 
four  divisions:  historical  and  political  treatises  which  place 


j6  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

him  among  the  pamphleteers;  the  Slick  series,  in  which  the 
satiric  tendency  of  the  Loyalist  tradition  finds  supreme  ex- 
pression ;  miscellaneous  fiction,  in  which  the  Slick  methods 
are  further  developed;  and,  finally,  compilations  to  meet 
the  demand  for  Yankee  stories. 

In  1829  he  began  his  literary  career  with  the  publication, 
in  two  volumes,  of  An  Historical  and  Statistical  Account  of 
Nova  Scotia.  Printed  at  Halifax  by  his  friend  Howe,  it  has 
the  distinction  of  being  one  of  the  first  Canadian  books  of 
importance  to  run  through  several  editions  in  Canada  and 
Great  Britain.  Though  the  narrative,  which  is  carried 
down  to  1763,  was  reviewed  favorably  in  England  and  the 
United  States,  it  follows  closely  the  sources  indicated  by 
the  writer.  With  usual  complacency  Haliburton,  who  did 
not  discover  the  papers  relating  to  the  Expulsion  of  the 
Acadians,  remarks  "  that  the  particulars  of  this  affair  seem 
to  have  been  carefully  concealed."  From  a  few  hints  he 
therefore  constructs  an  idyllic  description  of  the  Acadians, 
whose  banishment  reminds  him  of  the  Mantuan  shepherd 
driven  from  his  patrimony  by  the  soldiers  of  Augustus;  but 
in  spite  of  this  sympathetic  picture  he  defends  those  re- 
sponsible for  the  operation,  and  thus  reveals  the  bias  which 
renders  his  historical  monographs  so  inconclusive.  Regard- 
ing the  value  of  the  Account  scholars  in  Canada  are  now 
agreed.  Though  it  represents  much  conscientious  labor, 
Haliburton  was  handicapped  by  his  inability  to  consult  the 
necessary  documents.  No  longer  authoritative,  it  may  still 
be  read  with  profit.  Its  lucidity  shows  that  the  author  had 
acquired  a  clear,  attractive  style,  and  that  he  was  capable  of 
continuous  narrative.  It  shows  also  that  he  was  impelled  by 
the  national  curiosity  which  was  manifesting  itself  in  many 
directions;  but  it  shows  little  else.  Though  there  is  evi- 
dence of  reading  and  literary  taste,  there  is  nothing  to  justify 
the  praise  which  the  book  has  received.  Haliburton  himself, 
who  was  no  mean  critic,  was  under  no  delusion  as  to  its 
merit.    In  The  Clockmakcr  he  refers  to  it  as  "  Haliburton's 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        yy 

History  of  Nova  Scotia,  which,  next  to  Mr.  Josiah  Slick's 
History  of  Catty  hunk  in  five  volumes,  is  the  most  important 
account  of  unimportant  things  I  have  ever  seen." 

Much  less  readable  are  his  contributions  to  the  political 
literature  arising  from  the  enunciation  of  various  theories 
regarding  the  future  of  British  North  America.  The  first  of 
these  controversial  pamphlets  —  for  they  are  such  in  spirit, 
if  not  in  bulk  —  is  The  Bubbles  of  Canada  (1839),  a  series  of 
letters  on  colonial  relations.  Though  purporting  to  be  by 
Sam  Slick,  who  had  already  made  his  debut,  it  has  none  of 
his  peculiarities  of  diction.  Nevertheless,  it  ran  through  two 
English  editions  and  later  appeared  in  Philadelphia  and 
Paris.  As  a  reply  to  the  Earl  of  Durham's  Report,  it  at- 
tracted wide  attention.  In  it  Haliburton  maintains,  with 
some  show  of  reason,  that  the  people  of  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces, who  were  happy  and  contented,  should  not  have  their 
happiness  and  contentment  jeopardized  by  union  with  the 
disaffected  French-Canadians;  and,  with  less  reason,  that 
the  latter  had  no  grievances  which  were  not  due  to  political 
incapacity.  To  establish  these  points  he  summarizes  the 
acts  affecting  Lower  Canada.  Though  illuminating,  the 
summary  degenerates  into  mere  compilation  where  it  is 
difficult  to  find  the  Swift-like  humor  and  biting  sarcasm  ap- 
parent to  Tory  critics.  Even  the  clear,  slashing,  trenchant 
style  praised  by  his  opponents  cannot  counterbalance  his 
offensive  partisanship.  Those  reviewers  who  accused  the 
author  of  trading  on  his  reputation  were  not  entirely  un- 
justified. 

Closely  connected  with  The  Bubbles  is  A  Reply  to  the  Re- 
port of  the  Earl  of  Durham  (1839),  seven  letters  by  "a  col- 
onist," which  appeared  in  the  Times  before  publication  in 
Montreal  and  London.  As  the  Gazette  of  the  former  city  re- 
ferred to  the  writer  as  a  man  of  "sound  principles  in  church 
and  state,"  the  nature  of  the  Reply  needs  no  consideration. 

Rule  and  Misrule  of  the  English  in  America  (1851),  the 
last  of  Haliburton's  treatises,  cannot  be  dismissed  so  cav- 


78  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

alierly.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  only  one  edition  was  issued 
on  each  side  of  the  Atlantic,  it  has  acquired  a  reputation 
which  commands  respect.  Like  The  Babbles  it  is  really  an 
argument  to  prove  that  responsible  government  would  fail 
if  introduced  into  Canada.  Because  a  republican  system 
has  succeeded  in  the  United  States,  it  does  not  follow, 
argues  Haliburton,  that  it  will  succeed  elsewhere.  Accord- 
ing to  him,  a  republic  de  facto  was  founded  at  Boston  in  1620. 
The  independent  communities  so  formed  developed  the 
democratic  ideas,  and  established  the  democratic  institu- 
tions, that  were  finally  adopted  by  Congress;  and  these 
ideas  and  institutions,  but  slightly  modified,  are  still  main- 
tained by  the  United  States.  The  Revolution  resulted, 
therefore,  from  an  attempt  to  enforce  a  sovereignty  that 
never  existed.  In  Canada,  on  the  contrary,  there  had  been 
no  such  legislative  evolution.  Responsible  government, 
where  attempted,  had  proved  a  failure.  It  was  unsuited  to 
the  ignorance,  poverty,  and  sloth  of  the  habitants,  and  was 
contrary  to  the  predilections  of  the  English  immigrants. 
Though  the  outline  of  colonial  history  leading  to  these  con- 
clusions is  a  careful  synopsis  of  the  rise  of  British  power  in 
America,  the  application  of  the  principles  involved  is  of 
dubious  value.  By  periodicals  like  the  Naval  and  Military 
Gazette  and  the  extreme  Tory  reviews  Haliburton 's  thesis 
was  received  with  enthusiasm.  It  probably  did  something 
to  explain  the  "  origin,  formation,  and  progress  "  of  the 
United  States;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  those  who  read  it  on  the 
advice  of  the  Quarterly  Review  had  any  clearer  understand- 
ing of  "  the  elements  of  American  society."  Nevertheless, 
its  reception  has  given  rise  to  a  school  of  criticism  which 
professes  to  find  it  a  "  profoundly  philosophic  and  pro- 
phetic work."  Such  an  estimate  appears  to  be  due  to  mis- 
information. No  one,  it  is  true,  will  question  Haliburton's 
theory  of  political  development  or  his  belief  that  represen- 
tative systems  cannot  be  acquired  and  maintained  by 
revolution.    Still,  the  ideas,  which  were  neither  new  nor 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        79 

profound,  can  be  traced  to  Burke  and  other  eighteenth  cen- 
tury writers  with  whom  he  was  familiar.  To  say  that  he 
foretold  the  collapse  of  the  French  Republic  and  the  rise  of 
Communism  means  little  more  than  that  he  was  influenced 
by  conservative  opinion.  His  "thoughtfully  reasoned  the- 
ories of  colonial  government"  fail  to  account  for  the  growth 
of  liberal  institutions  in  his  native  land,  and  recent  investiga- 
tions have  shown  the  fallacies  in  his  view  of  the  Revolution. 
Those  who  would  have  him  accepted  as  a  political  philoso- 
pher tend  to  obscure  his  real  merits  and  to  detract  from  his 
well-deserved  fame. 

Although  the  extent  of  his  historical  work  has  given  it  an 
exaggerated  importance,  it  is  valuable  chiefly  as  an  index  of 
the  culture  to  be  found  in  Canada  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Victoria  Era  and  as  a  residuum  of  the  party  opinion  which 
Haliburton  represented.  His  Address  on  the  Present  Condi- 
tion, Resources,  and  Prospects  of  British  North  America, 
published  at  Montreal  and  London  in  1857,  and  his  speech 
in  the  House  of  Commons  in  i860,  The  Repeal  of  the  Dif- 
ferential Duties  on  Foreign  and  Colonial  Wood,  add  nothing 
to  the  theories  that  he  had  previously  advocated.  The  fin- 
de-siecle  reaction  against  democracy  and  the  recent  pes- 
simism in  Europe  and  America  regarding  the  success  of 
popular  government  have  influenced  Canadians  in  their 
estimation  of  Haliburton's  propaganda.  No  student  of 
affairs  can  ignore  its  effect.  Yet,  though  an  historian  can- 
not avoid  reference  to  Haliburton's  treatises,  he  is  bound  to 
show  that  they  spring  from  a  limited  range  of  ideas;  that 
they  are  polemical  in  tone;  that  they  lack  sympathy  and 
moderation;  that  they  are  wanting  in  the  facts  of  history; 
that  their  imaginative  power  is  not  sufficient  to  give  them 
rank  as  literature;  and,  finally,  that  they  are  of  interest 
because  they  reflect  the  spirit  of  a  substantial  part  of  the 
Canadian  people  at  the  period  when  they  were  written,  and 
because  they  indicate  the  temper  which  made  possible  the 
Slick  series,  on  which  Haliburton's  reputation  must  even- 
tually rest. 


8o  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

In  1835,  after  The  Club  had  been  disbanded,  he  began 
publication  in  the  Nova  Scotian  of  a  number  of  anonymous 
sketches  designed  to  preserve  anecdotes  and  incidents  which 
he  considered  worthy  of  record.  Their  immediate  popular- 
ity and  their  general  reproduction  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
United  States  led  to  an  elaboration  of  the  original  scheme, 
and,  in  1836,  the  first  series  of  The  Clockmaker;  or  the  Say- 
ings and  Doings  of  Samuel  Slick  of  Slickville  appeared  at 
Halifax.     In  this  volume, 

Where  every  page  with  jibes,  and  jeers,  and  jokes 
To  peals  of  laughter  purposely  provokes, 

which  was  largely  due  to  Howe's  encouragement,  the  Nova 
Scotian  sketches  constitute  the  first  twenty-one  chapters. 
This  fact  is  sufficient  to  indicate  the  desultory  character  of 
the  composition,  which  deals  with  the  adventures  of  a 
Yankee  peddler  and  his  friend  the  Squire.  The  Clockmaker 
was  republished  by  Richard  Bentley  without  Haliburton's 
name  or  consent,  and,  until  his  avowal  of  the  authorship 
while  on  a  visit  to  England,  was  attributed  to  an  American 
resident  in  London.  The  success  of  this  venture  led  to 
a  second  series  in  1838.  Two  years  later  four  chapters, 
"  The  Duke  of  Kent's  Lodge,"  "  Behind  the  Scenes,"  "  Too 
Knowing  by  Half,"  and  "  Facing  a  Woman,"  which  had 
appeared  in  Bentley's  Miscellany,  were  augmented  and 
issued  as  the  third  series  (1840). 

The  popularity  of  the  three  volumes,  which  were  com- 
bined for  circulation,  has  been  continuous.  Since  the  two 
issues  at  Halifax,  nearly  fifty  editions,  with  many  reprints, 
have  appeared  in  the  United  States,  in  England,  and  on  the 
Continent:  nineteen  in  the  United  States;  twenty-four  in 
Great  Britain;  four  in  France,  and  one  in  Germany.  In 
addition  to  the  miscellaneous  selections  in  these  countries 
anthologies  have  been  compiled  in  Switzerland  and  Scan- 
dinavia. Even  more  significant  is  the  fact  that  for  over  fifty 
years  the  passage  on  buying  a  horse  was  read  in  the  French 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        8 1 

schools  as  an  English  classic.  The  most  remarkable  feature 
of  The  Clockmaker  is  the  universal  appeal  it  made  to  the 
people  of  its  time.  In  America  it  was  found  in  the  draw- 
ing-rooms of  Philadelphia  and  the  cabins  of  the  Mississippi. 
In  England  it  was  read  by  huckster  and  critic.  Even  in 
France  and  Germany  it  attracted  notice.  Among  the  treas- 
ures of  Bismarck's  library  none  was  more  cherished  than  a 
copy  of  Sam's  adventures. 

Emboldened  by  this  success,  Haliburton  continued  the 
Slick  vein  in  the  two  volumes  of  The  Attache;  or  Sam  Slick 
in  England  (1843),  m  which  Sam  is  represented  as  an  at- 
tache of  the  American  Legation  in  London.  Intended  as  a 
good-humored  retaliation  against  Dickens'  American  Notes, 
which  appeared  in  the  previous  year,  it  reflects  Halibur- 
ton's  loyalty  to  American  institutions.  So  clever  is  the  hoax 
that  it  mystified  several  reviewers  who  thought  that  the 
author  was  actually  a  member  of  the  Legation.  With  pon- 
derous seriousness  they  discussed  the  likelihood  of  anyone 
with  Sam's  vulgarity  obtaining  entree  to  the  society  he  de- 
scribes. Their  mistake,  it  is  worthy  of  note,  has  led  to  the 
incorporation  of  several  misstatements  in  biographies  of  the 
author.  Two  editions  have  appeared  in  London  and  two  in 
the  United  States. 

The  partial  failure  of  The  Attache  was  counterbalanced  by 
the  triumphant  progress  of  Sam  Slick's  Wise  Saws  and 
Modern  Instances;  or  What  he  Said,  Did,  or  Invented,  printed 
in  two  volumes  in  1853.  Four  editions  followed  in  England 
and  as  many  in  America.  Wisely  Haliburton  here  returns  to 
his  special  milieu.  Sam  is  commissioned  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  visit  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and  re- 
port on  its  fisheries  and  the  feasibility  of  participating  in 
their  advantages.  With  Timothy  Cutler  as  master  and 
Eldad  Nickerson  as  pilot  he  sets  out  in  the  Black  Hawk. 
The  success  of  the  book,  which  is  an  account  of  the  voyage, 
was  due  to  Haliburton's  familiarity  with  his  material. 


82  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Though  equally  popular  in  England,  Nature  and  Human 
Nature  (1855),  which  carries  on  the  Wise  Saws,  was  less  so  in 
the  United  States.  It  closes  the  Slick  series,  and  the  career 
of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  personages  created  by  an 
American  author. 

Though  Haliburton  told  Lord  Abinger  that  Sam  was  an 
accident;  that  he  had  slipped  into  print  unawares;  and  that 
he  had  never  intended  to  describe  a  Yankee  clockmaker, 
it  is  difficult  to  feel  that  he  was  not  influenced  by  a  case  on 
which  he  was  called  to  pass  judgment.  Ninety  years  ago 
the  New  England  hawker  was  a  familiar  figure  in  the  Cana- 
dian Provinces.  One  of  these  itinerant  dealers,  Seth  by 
name,  had  sold  a  large  number  of  clocks  warranted  for  a 
year,  accepting  in  payment  promissory  notes,  which  he 
deposited  for  collection.  Since  the  clocks  refused  to  go,  the 
signers  refused  to  pay.  On  suit  being  instituted,  the  case 
was  carried  before  the  Chief  Justice.  A  Yankee  peddler, 
moreover,  had  become  a  stock  figure  on  the  English  stage. 
Haliburton  had  at  hand,  therefore,  not  only  the  main  out- 
line of  his  character  but  also  a  precedent  for  his  appearance 
in  literature.  Tradition,  further,  credits  many  of  the  anec- 
dotes to  his  coachman,  Lennie  Geldert,  who  accompanied 
him  on  circuit,  and  to  his  friend,  Judge  Pelig  Wiswall,  son  of 
John  Wiswall,  a  distinguished  Loyalist.  Sam  was  not  a 
phenomenon. 

The  form  too  was  already  taking  shape.  In  1830  Seba 
Smith  (1 792-1 868)  published  in  the  Portland  Daily  Courier 
a  series  of  Letters  from  Major  Jack  Downing  of '  Downingville. 
These  sketches  in  a  "Down  East"  dialect  continued  until 
1833.  Though  unknown  outside  America,  they  obtained  no 
little  vogue  in  the  United  States.  A  comparison  between  the 
Major's  Letters  and  The  C  'lockmaker  reveals  many  points  of 
similarity.  And  though  parallelisms  arc  never  conclusive, 
and  may  merely  point  to  contemporaneous  but  independent 
development,  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  Haliburton 's  in- 
debtedness to  the  Maine  journalist,  with  whose  work  he  was 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        83 

unquestionably  familiar.  Several  of  the  latter's  sketches  are 
included  in  the  Traits  of  American  Humor.  Smith's  style 
was  imitated  by  Charles  Augustus  Davis  (1 795-1867)  in  his 
Letters  of  J.  Downing,  Major,  Downingville  Militia,  Second 
Brigade,  which  appeared  in  the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser 
in  1834.  They  employ  the  conversational  method  by  which 
Sam  usually  develops  his  narrative,  and  probably  represent 
the  second  source  to  which  Haliburton  was  indebted  for 
hints  of  form. 

The  mood  of  the  Slick  series  also  was  general  among  the 
people  of  Acadia.  As  I  have  indicated,  the  literature  of  the 
Loyalists  during  the  Revolution  was  mainly  satirical  in 
tone.  The  Tories,  representing  the  wealthiest  and  most 
aristocratic  families  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies,  looked  with 
scorn  on  the  plebeian  instigators  of  rebellion.  Political  satire 
was  thus  based  on  class  distinctions.  Hatred  of  gentlemen 
like  Washington  who  associated  themselves  with  the  radical 
movement  was  more  intense  because  their  championship 
implied  a  kind  of  disloyalty  to  their  caste.  This  feeling 
dominated  the  thirty  thousand  Loyalists  who  made  their 
homes  in  the  Maritime  Provinces,  and  colored  their  litera- 
ture for  the  next  eight  decades.  Indeed,  the  old  supercilious 
attitude  towards  the  people  of  the  United  States  has  only 
now  disappeared.  In  high  places  it  was  correct  before  the 
War  to  make  light  of  their  breeding.  The  Loyalist  Tradition 
has  long  kept  the  upper  classes  from  appreciating  a  noble 
experiment  in  civilization.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  anti-republican  sentiment  was  rampant  at 
King's,  where  Haliburton  was  educated.  It  is  even  possible 
that  in  his  boyhood  he  may  have  heard  his  father  and  Odell, 
whose  fame  survived  his  verse,  rail  at  the  pretensions  of  their 
neighbors.  After  a  hundred  years  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  bitterness  of  the  exiles  whose  estates  had  been 
confiscated  in  spite  of  the  promises  of  Congress.  Though 
their  resentment  was  obliterated  by  the  lapse  of  time,  it  was 
followed,  in  many  cases,  by  a  conventional  distaste  of  liberal 


84  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

ideas.  To  this  distaste  Haliburton  was  legitimate  heir. 
Although  his  sketches  differ  little  in  aim  from  the  tirades  of 
the  party  journals,  his  sense  of  humor  gives  them  a  human 
quality  hitherto  lacking  in  Loyalist  prose. 

Since  the  cardinal  principle  of  the  Loyalist  Tradition  was, 
and  is,  the  maintenance  of  British  connection,  the  value  of 
its  continuance  became  Haliburton's  principal  thesis.  By 
reference  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  he  at- 
tempts to  prove  the  superiority  of  English  institutions  and 
to  induce  the  colonists  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  their  own. 
In  every  respect  his  work  is  typical  of  his  party  and  of  his 
time :  of  his  party  in  his  scorn  of  the  masses,  who  recipro- 
cated his  detestation;  of  his  time  in  his  endeavor  to  make 
known  the  resources  of  his  native  land.  Though  Haliburton 
had  all  the  narrowness  and  complacency  which  he  satirized 
in  his  countrymen,  he  was  observant  enough  to  recognize 
the  commercial  stagnation  due  to  their  insularity  and  their 
dependence  on  the  government.  Against  their  lack  of  initia- 
tive he  waged  unrelenting  warfare.  Like  Howe  he  never 
ceased  to  proclaim  the  advantages  of  Nova  Scotia.  To 
arouse  his  countrymen  to  an  appreciation  of  its  possibilities 
he  introduces  the  Yankee  peddler,  the  despised  of  despised, 
to  comment  on  their  foibles  and  to  gull  them  with  his  wares. 
The  acuteness  of  his  observations  shows  how  much  New 
England  has  contributed  to  the  Nova  Scotian  temperament. 
That  The  Clockmaker  has  been  able  to  overcome  the  imme- 
diate anger  aroused  by  Sam's  animadversions  is  a  sure  index 
of  the  author's  genius.  Though  they  may  not  have  yielded 
the  results  to  which  he  laid  claim,  he  would  be  rejoiced,  if 
he  could  return  to  the  flesh,  to  witness  the  vitality  of  the 
imperialistic  feeling  which  he  did  much  to  strengthen. 

In  its  advocacy  he  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  Slick 
series  as  he  had  promised  in  The  Attache.  The  first  of  his 
miscellaneous  works  of  fiction  appeared  in  1840.  The  Letter 
Bug  of  the  (i real  Western;  or  Life  in  a  Steamer,  a  series  of 
twenty-eight  letters  by  passengers  from  Bristol  to  New 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        85 

York  on  the  ship  which  gives  its  name  to  the  title,  is  well 
adapted  to  Haliburton's  manner.  One  of  the  cleverest  skits 
is  the  "  Journal  of  an  Actress,"  which  is  written  with  the 
gaiety  and  vivaciousness  of  a  Becky  Sharp,  and,  like  Vanity 
Fair,  hovers  on  the  border  of  the  mysterious  world  of  dia- 
monds and  after-theatre  suppers  so  alluring  to  the  heart  of 
the  uninitiated.  Equally  delightful  is  Rebecca  Fox  in  her 
self-revelation  entitled  "From  One  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
to  her  Kinswoman."  Her  little  vanities  are  all  dramatically 
effective;  but  even  they  are  marred  by  the  typification 
which  renders  most  of  the  personages  mediocre.  This  is 
especially  true  when  the  conversation  turns  on  any  of  Hali- 
burton's pet  theories.  The  constant  interjection  of  his  own 
opinions  detracts  from  the  merit  of  a  book  which  was  pub- 
lished in  Canada,  and  has  gone  through  two  editions  in 
France,  four  in  the  United  States,  and  ten  in  Great  Britain. 

It  was  followed  in  1849  by  The  Old  Judge;  or  Life  in  a 
Colony,  which  was  printed  in  France  and  Germany,  and  has 
been  issued  in  four  editions  in  both  New  York  and  London. 
Some  of  the  sketches  which  had  appeared  in  Fraser's  Maga- 
zine in  1846  and  1847  were  revised  and  transposed  to  blend 
with  others.  The  scheme  is  not  original.  An  English  travel- 
ler is  introduced  to  Mr.  Justice  Sanford,  a  retired  judge  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature;  is  shown  around  Halifax, 
and,  with  his  host,  is  storm  bound  at  Mount  Hope,  where 
they  meet  Stephen  Richardson,  whose  stories  help  to  pass 
the  time.  The  tales,  which  are  valuable  for  their  illuminat- 
ing glimpses  of  colonial  life,  abound  in  brilliant  descriptive 
passages;  but  the  value  of  Haliburton's  material  throws 
into  relief  his  lack  of  constructive  skill  and  overemphasis  of 
detail.  It  is  unfortunate  that  a  work  of  merit  in  its  por- 
trayal of  early  Canadian  scenes  and  customs  should  suffer 
from  these  disadvantages. 

The  Season  Ticket,  Haliburton's  last  venture,  which  ap- 
peared anonymously  in  the  Dublin  University  Magazine, 
and  was  published  in  i860  without  the  author's  name,  con- 


86  ENGLISH- CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

sists  of  the  observations  of  a  season  ticket  holder  on  an  Eng- 
lish railway.  In  method  it  is  similar  to  the  other  volumes  of 
the  miscellaneous  group.  The  anonymity,  however,  enables 
Haliburton  to  allow  his  fellow  passengers  to  talk  with  un- 
paralleled frankness.  In  spite  of  their  freedom,  four  editions 
have  been  absorbed  in  Great  Britain. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  speak  of  Haliburton's  editorial 
labors.  Rightly  or  wrongly,  he  considered  himself  the  apostle 
of  American  humor.  In  1852  he  issued  his  Traits  of  Ameri- 
can Humor.  By  Native  Authors,  a  collection  of  sketches 
culled  from  the  work  of  a  dozen  writers,  chief  of  whom  is 
James  Russell  Lowell.  The  compilation  is  valuable  because 
it  reveals  the  compiler  as  a  student  of  American  literature. 
His  analysis  of  the  differences  among  the  people  of  the 
various  sections  —  differences  due  to  climate  and  occupa- 
tion —  shows  no  little  acumen.  The  Traits  was  followed  in 
1854  by  a  companion  volume,  The  Americans  at  Home;  or 
Byways,  Backwoods,  and  Prairies.  Like  its  predecessor  it 
was  published  in  the  United  States,  but  secured  its  greatest 
vogue  across  the  Atlantic.  Though  its  reception  does  not 
lie  within  the  scope  of  this  study,  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  the  reviews  of  both  anthologies  recognize  Haliburton 
as  the  chief  agent  in  the  rapprochement  between  England 
and  the  United  States.  The  dominant  note  is  the  fact  of 
kinship.  In  the  Yankee  stories  reviewers  professed  to  find 
a  reflection  of  Anglo-Saxon  characteristics,  customs,  and 
modes  of  thought.  In  the  lingo  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
they  traced  the  ancient  forms  of  the  common  tongue. 

Some  understanding  of  contemporaneous  and  later  criti- 
cism is  essential  for  an  appreciation  of  Haliburton's  place 
in  literature.  As  early  opinion  was  influenced  by  political 
considerations,  the  momentum  thus  acquired  has  never 
entirely  ceased.  In  spite  of  this  handicap  there  is  much  of 
value.  Friendly  periodicals  like  the  Athenaeum  found  The 
heller  Bag  "  a  microcosm  or  epitome  of  the  great  globe," 
a  significant  picture  of  the  hopes  and  fears  of  humanity. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        87 

Others,  while  admitting  many  satirical  hits,  charged  the  au- 
thor with  a  vast  amount  of  gibberish.  Others,  again,  while 
crediting  the  letters  with  suitability  of  framework,  pointed 
out  that  the  ideas  introduced  cannot  be  considered  the  re- 
sult of  profound  meditation,  and  that  jingling  phrases  can 
never  take  the  place  of  well-chosen  materials.  The  Spec- 
tator, moreover,  accused  the  author  of  unwarranted  inter- 
jection of  his  own  prejudices  —  an  accusation  which  most 
readers  will  second  —  and,  therefore,  with  inability  to  enter 
into  the  spirit  of  his  characters. 

Though  all  his  books  created  similar  discussion,  the  great 
body  of  criticism  touches  the  Slick  series,  with  which  this 
study  is  necessarily  concerned.  In  Great  Britain  the  plan 
of  The  Clockmaker  was  recognized  on  publication  as  simple 
and  sufficient.  Its  humor,  which  has  been  characterized  in 
a  score  of  ways,  met  with  universal  approbation.  Some 
critics,  unaware  of  Haliburton's  antecedents,  suggested 
that  it  reflects  the  hearty  mellowness  of  the  English  spirit 
and  the  shrewd,  caustic  qualities  of  the  Scotch.  Of  its  clever- 
ness, its  freshness,  and  its  pith  there  was  no  question.  All 
were  agreed  as  to  its  sharp,  piquant,  but  kindly  satire,  and 
the  hard,  pungent,  even  worldly  common  sense  on  which  it 
is  based.  Nor  did  Haliburton's  ability  to  essay  more  serious 
topics  pass  unnoticed.  Everywhere  he  was  recognized  as  a 
man  of  keen,  disciplined  mind;  widely  read,  with  intimate 
knowledge  of  men  and  affairs,  and  with  extraordinary  in- 
sight into  individual  and  national  idiosyncrasies.  His  por- 
traiture was  regarded  as  vigorous  and  lifelike:  Slick  ap- 
peared individualized  and  consistent;  the  other  personages 
clearly,  if  somewhat  coarsely,  delineated.  With  its  aph- 
orisms, which  some  found  worthy  of  Bacon,  and  its  apt, 
striking  illustrations,  the  style  evoked  general  delight. 
Scott  was  dead,  and  the  historical  romance  in  the  hands  of 
feeble  successors.  The  Clockmaker,  asserted  some,  came  at 
a  fortunate  moment.  In  time  it  would  be  regarded  as  one  of 
the  principal  documents  in  the  rising  tide  of  realism.   The 


88  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

first  great  expression  of  American  genius,  it  was  held  to  be 
superior  to  anything  that  Dickens  had  then  accomplished. 

While  admitting  its  universal  appeal,  more  cautious  re- 
viewers insisted  that  allowance  should  be  made  for  novelty 
of  subjects,  persons,  and  dialects.  A  few  even  suggested 
that  Haliburton  was  guilty  of  repetition  and  tediousness, 
and  that  Sam's  Yankee  vulgarism  was  better  fitted  for  the 
inferior  colonial  mind  than  for  the  polite  circles  of  West- 
minster. There  was,  further,  a  feeling  that  the  second  and 
third  series  —  partly  because  of  the  difficulty  of  fulfill- 
ing expectations,  and  partly  because  of  the  exhaustion  of  the 
proper  theme  —  were  not  so  effective  as  the  first.  Apart 
from  these  reservations  approval  was  absolute.  The  early 
contempt  towards  the  book  as  a  colonial  product  disap- 
peared. "  The  Clockmaker"  said  an  early  doubter,  "has 
come  to  stay." 

The  Attache  met  with  no  such  praise.  English  opinion  re- 
garding it  was  sharply  divided.  Some  reviewers  insisted 
that  Sam  was  as  great  as  ever;  that  he  was  even  more  ob- 
servant and  more  acute  than  on  previous  occasions.  Others, 
while  admitting  the  clearness  of  style,  asserted  that  it  had 
degenerated  into  mannerism  inferior  to  the  boldness  of  The 
Clockmaker,  and  that  the  views  expressed  —  often  super- 
ficial rather  than  profound  —  were  due  to  the  inadequate 
impression  formed  by  a  visitor  who  had  few  opportunities 
to  study  the  conditions  he  attempted  to  portray.  In  the 
United  States  criticism  was  intensely  hostile.  Most  period- 
icals, hesitating  to  attack  a  writer  who  had  won  the  plaudits 
of  Europe,  were  content  with  the  reproduction  of  English 
comments.  The  general  acquiescence  may  account  for  the 
bitterness  of  the  recalcitrants  under  their  leader,  President 
Felton  of  Harvard  University.  His  assault  in  the  North 
American  Review  is  an  unhappy  instance  of  the  pettiness 
engendered  by  national  sensibilities.  Felton's  charge  that 
"  Sam  Slick  is  an  awkward  and  highly  infelicitous  attempt 
to  make  a  character  by  heaping  together  without  discrimina- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR         89 

tion,  selection,  arrangement  or  taste  every  vulgarity  that  a 
vulgar  imagination  can  conceive  and  every  knavery  that  a 
man  blinded  by  national  and  political  prejudice  can  charge 
upon  neighbors  whom  he  dislikes  "  is  not  without  point;  but 
its  force  is  invalidated  by  the  tone  of  the  attack.  Its  truth, 
however,  is  practically  acknowledged  by  the  anonymous 
poet-critic  whom  I  have  already  quoted: 

If  ere  a  live  kaleidoscope  could  be 

In  human  figure,  then  Sam  Slick  was  he. 

The  unlikelihood  of  his  appointment  to  London  and  the  con- 
trast between  his  qualifications  and  the  dignity  of  his  office 
point  to  the  satiric  tendency  of  Haliburton's  genius.  With 
overemphasis  it  is  inevitable  that  the  humor  should  lead  to 
caricature  and  burlesque,  and  that  it  should  become  hard 
and  forbidding.  If  this  was  Haliburton's  aim,  he  must  be 
judged  by  his  own  standards.  They  are  not  high;  but  they 
are  by  no  means  so  low  as  President  Felton  would  have  his 
readers  believe. 

It  is  true  that  he  has  a  right  to  question  the  dialect.  No 
one  will  agree  with  the  French  critics  who  found  its  gemina- 
tions and  ellipses  worthy  of  philological  research.  Their 
comparison  of  Burns  and  Haliburton  obscures  the  issue;  the 
former  uses  a  medium  sanctioned  by  linguistic  development; 
the  latter,  one  without  established  form.  Though  never 
morphologically  consistent,  it  is  probably  as  rational  as 
circumstances  permit.  English  readers  at  any  rate  were 
unanimous  in  their  judgment  that  Haliburton  had  created 
a  patois  in  which  the  units  are  as  inseparable  as  the  links  of 
a  chain.  And  the  constant  quotation  from  the  Slick  series  to 
illustrate  colloquialisms  seems  to  support  their  contention. 

Haliburton's  position,  temporarily  affected  by  the  recep- 
tion of  The  Attache,  was,  as  I  have  noted,  retrieved  by  the 
Wise  Saws,  in  which  he  was  credited  with  Shakespearean 
truth  and  originality.  Its  drollness,  its  quaint  common 
sense,  and  its  felicity  of  illustration  met  with  general  ap- 


90  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

plause.  Ranked  with  Don  Quixote,  it  was  held  to  embody 
"  the  cynicism  of  Rochefoucald,  the  acuteness  of  Pascal, 
and  the  experience  of  Theophrastus."  Nature  and  Human 
Nature,  though  occasionally  credited  with  levity  and  irrev- 
erence, received  a  similar  welcome. 

Altogether  criticism  in  England  was  remarkably  favor- 
able. The  History  was  well  received.  Later  historical  pro- 
ductions —  in  essence,  political  theses  —  met  with  divided 
favor:  with  contempt  or  exaggerated  and  unwarranted 
encomium.  The  tendency  to  belittle  The  Clockmaker  as  the 
work  of  a  colonist  disappeared  with  the  growing  popularity 
of  the  series.  Those  who  refused  at  first  to  regard  its  vogue 
as  evidence  of  its  worth  finally  accepted  the  estimate  of  the 
majority.  In  his  own  manner  Haliburton  was  considered 
supreme.  Sam  was  acclaimed  as  a  kind  of  Tristram  Shandy. 
The  information,  the  sagacity,  and  the  force  of  his  creator 
passed  unquestioned.  When  Christopher  North,  whom 
Gait  had  introduced  to  The  Club,  pronounced  The  Clock- 
maker  the  first  original  work  of  America,  other  periodicals 
took  up  the  refrain.  In  time  Haliburton  came  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  father  of  all  who  have  since  written  in  dialect 
anywhere  on  this  Continent.  His  method,  according  to 
this  theory,  has  become  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  of 
which  his  work  ■ —  part  of  the  realistic  revolt  against  the 
domination  of  the  historical  romance  —  is  an  accurate  pic- 
ture. These  judgments  have  been  little  modified  by  the 
lapse  of  time.  The  Clockmaker  today  is  considered  Hali- 
burton's  masterpiece.  Sam — one  of  the  few  American  char- 
acters that  have  become  universal  —  is  ranked  with  the 
immortals. 

Because  it  coincides  with  the  development  of  nationality, 
criticism  in  Canada  is  especially  significant.  By  most  con- 
temporaries Haliburton's  works,  which  were  reviewed  by 
leading  periodicals  like  the  Nova  Scotian  as  admirably  as 
anywhere  in  the  United  States,  were  treated  as  political 
documents.     Consequently  provincial  feeling  often  over- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        9 1 

shadowed  literary  appreciation.  When  the  smoke  of  battle 
rolled  away  with  the  Confederation,  the  influence  of  English 
ideas  became  apparent.  Nearly  all  dicta  can  be  traced 
to  English  reviews.  In  recent  years,  however,  the  rise  of 
national  feeling  and  the  imperialistic  reaction,  which  has 
accompanied  it,  have  led  to  independent  interest  in  Hali- 
burton's  work.  Though  much  produced  by  this  stimulus  is 
thin  and  fragmentary,  there  is  much  that  is  excellent.  With 
lack  of  perspective  is  general  realization  of  the  force  that 
could  stamp  a  personage  like  Sam  upon  the  imagination  of 
the  English  people,  many  of  whom  have  been  slow  to  accept 
any  other  type  of  New  Englander  than  the  slangy,  half- 
educated  peddler.  One  critic,  however,  has  not  hesitated  to 
insist  that  Haliburton  erred  in  employing  Sam  as  an  index 
to  the  United  States;  and,  certainly,  if  his  success  is  to  be 
judged  by  the  situations  in  which  the  Clockmaker  appears, 
the  attempt  is  a  failure.  It  was  as  impossible  then  as  it  is 
now  to  paint  any  adequate  picture  of  the  conflicting  ele- 
ments in  the  Republic.  To  hail  the  Slick  series  as  a  great 
American  novel  is  to  relegate  it  to  the  pile  of  forgotten  best- 
sellers. To  take  it  at  its  face  value  is  to  give  it  high  rank 
indeed.  And  this  in  spite  of  the  style.  It  is  everywhere 
recognized  that  Haliburton  lacks  the  polish  of  a  master, 
and  that,  though  sometimes  clear  and  forcible,  he  is  often 
verbose  and  ponderous.  His  power,  it  is  agreed,  lies  in  his 
quick  perception  of  the  ludicrous,  his  quaint  phraseology, 
and  his  original  conceits.  His  place  as  the  father  of  Ameri- 
can humor  is  secure. 

Very  different  in  tone  is  the  criticism  of  the  United  States. 
At  first  there  were  few  distinctive  utterances.  Most  period- 
icals were  content  with  the  refraction  of  Old  World  ideas. 
Those  who  dissented  reflect  the  sensitiveness  of  youth.  The 
people  of  the  United  States,  who  had  just  been  admitted  to 
the  company  of  nations,  were  not  altogether  certain  of  their 
behavior.  To  have  their  weaknesses  heralded  by  a  distant 
and  rather  disreputable  relative  was  far  from  pleasant. 


92  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

This  feeling  accounts  in  part  for  the  unappreciative  atti- 
tude south  of  the  Border.  It  is  further  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that  until  Ypres  and  Vimy  Ridge  the  people  of  the 
United  States  never  accepted  the  idea  of  Canadian  na- 
tionality within  an  imperial  federation,  and  so  failed  to 
realize  the  emergence  of  a  new  power  in  the  North.  As  a 
result,  Haliburton's  work  has  been  belittled  fully  as  much  as 
it  has  been  overrated  in  his  native  land.  With  increased 
sympathy  and  understanding,  however,  has  come  a  popular 
and  academic  readjustment,  and  Haliburton  today  is  rec- 
ognized as  the  creator  of  the  American  type  in  literature. 

With  the  opinions  of  the  three  chief  English-speaking  com- 
munities in  mind  it  is  possible  to  examine  Haliburton's 
claims  to  remembrance.  Most  of  his  books  may  be  dis- 
carded; the  political  treatises  disappear,  the  miscellaneous 
fiction  is  too  uneven  to  be  of  permanent  value.  Slick,  how- 
ever, remains.  The  illustrations  by  Hervieu  and  Leech 
helped  to  establish  Uncle  Sam  in  Great  Britain.  To  Cana- 
dians the  shifty  peddler,  as  the  popular  etymology  of  the 
word  Yankee  indicates,  has  become  the  typical  New  Eng- 
lander.  To  thousands  who  have  never  read  the  book  he 
is  a  creature  of  flesh  and  blood.  Indeed,  his  sharpness  at 
driving  bargains  has  had  much  to  do  with  the  latent  dis- 
trust of  the  United  States.  Moreover,  the  minor  characters 
are  occasionally  well  drawn;  the  incidents,  though  monot- 
onous, are  full  of  life.  The  humor,  however,  is  often  due 
to  temporal  causes,  and  is,  therefore,  transitory  in  appeal. 
Nothing  changes  so  rapidly  as  a  nation's  idea  of  what  con- 
stitutes fun.  Tom  Sawyer  and  Huckleberry  Finn  no  longer 
tickle  the  schoolboy.  The  Innocents  is  being  rapidly  for- 
gotten. Haliburton  likewise  is  suffering  from  the  sentence 
of  time.  Of  the  Slick  series  The  Clockmakcr  alone  has  sus- 
tained its  early  reputation.  And  there  is  reason.  Its  pic- 
tures  of  manners  and  customs  and  its  glimpses  of  road  and 
forest  will  always  arouse  the  curious.  Some  of  these  minia- 
tures--scenes  of  the  Canadian  countryside  —  have  never 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        93 

been  excelled.  Equally  attractive  are  the  essay-like  para- 
graphs in  which  the  author  turns  aside  to  chat  of  himself. 
He  knows  what  he  wants  to  do.  He  risks  the  dangers  — 
the  hackneyed  subjects  and  the  repetitions.  "  The  only 
attraction  they  are  susceptible  of  is  the  novelty  of  a  new 
dress."  If  his  readers  like  prolixity,  they  may  have  it: 
artistic  damnation  is  a  small  price  to  pay  for  moral  salvation. 
Yet  the  lessons,  which  are  trite  enough,  are  gladly  forgotten 
in  a  day  when  few  people  read  for  edification.  Didacticism 
even  in  humor  is  doomed.  The  Clockmaker,  by  a  common 
trick  of  fate,  is  remembered  by  everything  except  by  that 
for  which  it  was  written.  That  it  has  been  read  for  almost 
a  century  proves  that  its  virtue  is  not  single. 

When  a  man's  work  has  appeared  among  the  people  of 
seven  nations  in  one  hundred  and  twenty  editions  with 
constant  reprints,  it  is  bound  to  have  some  influence.  Hali- 
burton's  attitude  towards  the  people  of  Canada,  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  Great  Britain  at  once  becomes  a  ques- 
tion of  importance.  Anyone  who  is  unfamiliar  with  Pre- 
Confederation  politics  will  find  it  difficult  to  understand  his 
ideas.  Like  all  writers  in  his  age  of  curiosity  he  continually 
investigated,  and  sought  to  make  known,  the  advantages  of 
Nova  Scotia.  He  did  not  content  himself  with  mere  obser- 
vation —  with  descriptions  of  pastimes,  of  industries,  of 
naval  and  military  life,  of  Englishmen  who  wished  to  be 
Canadian  squires,  and  of  Canadian  squires  who  wished  to 
be  Englishmen.  He  told  his  countrymen  frankly  that  they 
needed  less  pride  and  more  perseverance.  Only  a  brave  man 
or  a  misanthrope  would  dare  to  accuse  his  fellow  citizens 
of  being  "  idle,  conceited,  and  ignorant."  Yet  it  was  un- 
doubtedly his  conservatism  rather  than  any  particular  weak- 
ness of  Nova  Scotians  which  led  him  to  oppose  responsible 
government  and  universal  suffrage.  Certainly  he  looked 
forward  as  confidently  as  Howe  to  the  future  of  British 
North  America.  "  Vancouver,"  he  says  in  prophecy,  "  will 
be  the  centre  where  the  products  of  both  hemispheres  will  be 


94  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

exchanged."  His  early  opposition  to  the  Confederation  was 
due  not  to  any  doubt  of  the  greatness  before  the  united  prov- 
inces but  to  his  strong  attachment  to  Great  Britain.  Union 
—  in  his  opinion  the  first  step  towards  independence  — 
should  not  be  undertaken  until  all  attempts  at  closer  rela- 
tionship with  the  Mother  Country  proved  abortive.  Birth 
and  education  both  made  it  natural  for  him  to  turn  to  Eng- 
land. Though  satirizing  the  stupidity  of  the  Colonial  Office, 
he  still  felt  that  she  had  been  a  kindly  nurse.  "I  loved  her 
law,"  he  says,  "  her  church,  her  constitution,  her  people." 
It  was  through  no  pettiness  that  he  opposed  annexation 
during  the  years  that  it  simmered  in  the  minds  of  a  few 
Canadians  who  lacked  the  courage  of  those  who  formed  the 
Confederation.  His  pages  are  filled  with  kindly  apprecia- 
tions of  his  cousins  across  the  Border.  Invariably,  he  says, 
he  has  found  them  energetic,  enterprising,  and  generous. 
"  Those  who  have  described  the  Yankees  as  a  cold,  design- 
ing, unimpassioned  people  know  little  of  them  in  their 
domestic  circles."  Their  avarice,  their  ostentation,  and 
their  snobbishness  —  vices  he  charges  to  their  account  — 
did  not  keep  him  from  appreciating  their  finer  qualities.  His 
antagonism  to  annexation  was  based  on  the  belief  that  it 
would  prove  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  a  union  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  communities. 

Haliburton's  imperialism  was  no  provincial  dream.  As 
the  first  writer  of  prominence  to  advocate  a  world-wide 
Zollverein  of  British  peoples  he  fired  the  imagination  of  his 
countrymen.  Under  these  circumstances  his  influence  in 
Canada  has  been  political  rather  than  literary.  The  only 
literary  echo  of  which  I  am  aware  is  Ebenezer  Clemo's 
(1831-60)  The  Life  and  Adventures  of  Simon  Seek  (1858). 
Through  the  recrudescence  under  Joseph  Chamberlain  of 
<  (  onomic  imperialism  his  political  ideas,  on  the  other  hand, 
have  recently  found  wide  acceptance.  His  famous  dictum 
that  England  and  her  colonies  should  be  "  one  vast  home 
market  from  Hongkong  to  Labrador  "  reverberates  in  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        95 

pamphlets  of  the  Tariff  Reformers.  Everywhere  also  in  the 
British  Dominions  there  has  been  renewed  emphasis  on  his 
battle  cry:  "  It  should  be  our  navy,  our  army,  our  nation." 

Though  Haliburton's  power  in  Canada  has  been  mainly 
political,  his  influence  on  the  literature  of  Great  Britain  can- 
not be  dismissed  so  lightly.  Anyone  who  toils  through  con- 
temporaneous English  criticism  will  be  surprised  at  the 
constant  comparison  with  Dickens.  The  two  writers  are 
continually  associated.  The  Attache,  as  I  have  already 
shown,  was  a  good-humored  reply  to  the  American  Notes. 
Moreover,  in  The  Season  Ticket  Haliburton  does  not  hesi- 
tate to  rank  himself  with  the  creator  of  Pickwick.  Mr. 
Cary,  in  criticizing  the  Athenaeum  because  it  has  no  smok- 
ing room,  adds,  "  The  members  are  not  genial  when  such 
men  as  Thackeray,  Sam  Slick,  and  Dickens,  who  (to  their 
credit  be  it  said)  are  all  smokers,  can't  persuade  them." 
These  points  of  contact  may  be  responsible  for  the  persist- 
ent tradition  that  Sam  is  a  Yankee  version  of  his  Cockney 
namesake.  The  Slick  series  and  the  Pickwick  Papers  un- 
doubtedly have  much  in  common.  Sam  Slick  and  the 
Squire,  Sam  Weller  and  Pickwick,  are  too  intimately  re- 
lated to  be  the  result  of  accident.  Incident,  plot,  and  dia- 
lect all  indicate  a  common  source.  It  has  generally  been 
assumed  that  Haliburton  must  have  been  the  debtor.  This 
assumption  is  unquestionably  wrong.  The  first  chapters  of 
The  Clockmaker,  appearing  in  the  Nova  Scotian  in  1835,  were 
immediately  copied  throughout  the  United  States.  The 
first  number  of  the  Pickwick  Papers  was  not  issued  until  the 
following  spring.  If  there  is  any  indebtedness,  it  was  on  the 
part  of  Dickens.  As  a  young  reporter  he  would  be  familiar 
with  the  most  widely  copied  articles  of  the  time.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that  he  was  influenced  by  their  popularity. 

Aside  from  a  few  traces  of  Haliburton's  method  in  the 
periodical  literature  of  Great  Britain  there  is  nothing  to 
parallel  its  influence  in  the  United  States.  It  may  be  in- 
teresting to  note  that  this  influence  goes  back  to  the  History, 


96  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

and  that  Haliburton  is  responsible  for  the  inception  and 
conduct  of  Evangeline.  Through  an  aunt  his  tale  of  the 
Expulsion  passed  to  Hawthorne  and  thence  to  Longfellow. 
In  selecting  his  materials  also  the  poet  relied  on  the  some- 
what inaccurate  account  in  the  History.  In  much  of  the 
fiction  of  the  time  it  is  possible  likewise  to  trace  Sam's  foot- 
steps. It  is  among  the  humorists,  however,  that  the  fascina- 
tion of  his  style  is  most  apparent.  The  Biglow  Papers, 
standing  somewhat  aside  from  the  general  development, 
do  not  escape.  Several  situations  appear  to  have  been 
borrowed  from  the  Slick  series.  More  important  is  the 
discipleship  of  Artemus  Ward,  whose  books  have  been 
remarkably  popular  in  Europe.  At  all  times,  according 
to  his  confession,  he  looked  to  Haliburton  as  his  master. 
There  is  every  reason  also  for  believing  that  the  trend  of 
Mark  Twain's  genius  was  due  largely  to  the  Haliburton 
vogue.  Newspapers  everywhere  were  filled  with  Yankee 
Yams  and  Yankee  Stories.  Burlesques  and  imitations  fol- 
lowed. Of  the  latter  many  were  credited  to  the  author  of 
Slick.  So  successfully  was  his  style  imitated  that  one  of  the 
imitations,  High  Life  in  New  York.  By  Jonathan  Slick,  Esq., 
of  Weathers  field,  Conn.  A  Series  of  Letters  to  Mr.  Zephariah 
Slick,  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  Deacon  of  the  Church  over  to 
Weathersfield  in  the  State  of  New  York,  written  anonymously 
by  Mrs.  Ann  Sophia  Stephens  (1813-86),  was  reviewed  as 
Haliburton's  in  a  fifty-page  critique  in  the  Irish  Quarterly. 
Owing  to  his  lack  of  reading  Twain's  biographers  have 
usually  found  it  difficult  to  account  for  his  literary  tastes. 
The  fact  that  the  outlines  of  some  of  his  characters  and  many 
of  his  incidents  are  duplicated  in  the  hundreds  of  pages  left 
by  Haliburton  may  be  a  mere  coincidence.  Parallels  at  best 
are  of  dubious  value.  On  the  other  hand,  Haliburton's  tales 
are  those  with  which  he  would  be  familiar.  An  English 
traveller  who  journeyed  up  and  down  the  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi during  the  formative  years  of  Twain's  life  has  left  a 
record  of  Sam's  popularity.     Every  frontier  cabin  had  its 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  AMERICAN  HUMOR        97 

version  of  the  Yankee  peddler's  adventures.  In  the  light  of 
this  testimony  there  is  ground  for  regarding  Twain  as  well  as 
Ward  as  a  disciple  of  Haliburton.  The  fact  that  he  would 
find  a  Sam  Slick  almanac  with  typical  saws  and  anecdotes 
in  every  shop  increases  the  probability. 

There  is  no  reason  consequently  for  taking  exception  to 
Ward's  statement  that  Haliburton  is  the  "  father  of  Ameri- 
can humor."  In  one  sense  he  is.  Through  the  logical  de- 
velopment in  Canada  of  the  Loyalist  Tradition,  a  direct 
heritage  of  the  Revolution,  he  was  enabled,  after  seventy- 
five  years,  to  return  to  the  people  of  the  Old  Colonies  a  last- 
ing memorial  of  its  vitality.  That  he  could  borrow  the  form 
of  his  sketches  from  the  development  south  of  the  Great 
Lakes  shows  the  close  intellectual  relationship  between  the 
two  English-speaking  nations  of  America.  Chasles  and 
Montegut  are  both  right.  Each  stream  —  one  culminating 
in  Haliburton,  the  other  in  Twain  —  emerges  from  the  com- 
mon racial  stock;  both  are  English  in  origin.  Yet  each, 
following  its  own  course,  is  distinctively  of  Canada  or  of  the 
United  States.  To  adjudge  their  relative  value  is  to  at- 
tempt the  impossible.  Each  in  its  own  place  is  supreme. 
Without  either  the  English-speaking  peoples  would  be  losers 
in  knowledge,  in  understanding,  and  in  appreciation. 


CHAPTER  VII 

POLITICAL  SATIRE  IN  THE  CANADAS 

The  space  devoted  to  Haliburton,  which  may  seem  dis- 
proportionate, is  justified  by  the  fact  that  he  is  the  chief  ex- 
ponent of  the  satiric  mood  which  dominated  early  attempts 
at  literature.  His  career  is  duplicated  by  that  of  many  a 
lesser  man.  Sir  Brenton  Haliburton  (17  7  5-1 860),  for  in- 
stance, Chief  Justice  of  Nova  Scotia,  whose  ancestors  on  his 
mother's  side  had  settled  Rhode  Island  and  given  it  one  of 
its  earliest  governors,  turned  from  his  Observations  on  the 
Importance  of  the  North  American  Colonies  to  Great  Britain 
(1825),  published  at  Halifax  and  London,  to  such  burlesques 
as  The  Critical  State  of  the  Bull  Family  and  John  Bull  and  His 
Calves.  Everywhere  in  the  realm  of  politics  men  abandoned 
argument  for  satire. 

While  Haliburton  and  his  associates  in  the  Maritime 
Provinces  were  thus  developing  new  instruments  of  attack, 
other  writers  in  the  Canadas  were  employing  similar  weap- 
ons in  the  exigencies  of  party  warfare.  Those  who  depended 
on  a  stock  character  evolved  in  obscure  papers  of  what  is 
now  Ontario  the  precursors  of  Mr.  Dooley  and  his  ilk.  The 
Terry  Finnegans,  however,  were  usually  skirmishers  sniping 
at  the  bulwarks  of  the  Standpatters.  The  latter,  in  spite  of 
the  rise  of  education,  were  still  preeminent  in  the  intel- 
lectual life  of  the  country;  and  their  work  is  weightier  and 
more  effective.  In  the  Canadas  the  writers  who  count  are 
mainly  the  Reactionaries. 

Of  these  the  most  important  is  William  Henry  Fleet.  He 
appears  to  have  been  a  journalist  and,  for  some  years,  editor 
of  the  Montreal  Transcript.  As  party  spokesman  he  pub- 
lished, in  reply  to  Sir  Francis  Bond  Head's  Narrative,  a 

98 


POLITICAL  SATIRE  99 

burlesque  entitled  How  I  came  to  be  Governor  of  the  Island  of 
Cacona;  with  a  Particular  Account  of  my  Administration  of 
the  Affairs  of  that  Island.  .  .  .  By  the  Hon.  Francis  Thistle- 
ton,  Late  Governor  of  the  Island  of  Cacona  (1852).  Those 
who  read  it  were  interested  primarily  in  the  facts,  then  too 
near  for  true  perspective.  Now  that  time  has  shown  the 
insignificance  of  much  that  seemed  important,  it  is  possible 
to  examine  from  a  new  point  of  view  the  chief  satire  on 
colonial  government. 

Downing  Street  is  a  type  of  imperial  bureaucracy.  Its 
faults  —  lack  of  knowledge,  lack  of  interest,  and  lack  of 
sympathy  —  are  the  inevitable  faults  of  a  remote  adminis- 
tration; and  what  is  true  of  the  system  is  necessarily  true 
of  those  connected  with  it.  For  this  reason  the  Honorable 
Francis  begins  his  sketch  with  a  picture  of  the  chief  actors, 
two  impecunious  barristers  —  himself  and  his  secretary-to- 
be,  Pinkerton.  Thistle  ton  has  written  a  pamphlet  on  colo- 
nies and  colonization ;  Pinkerton  has  invented  a  respirator 
to  improve  the  lot  of  his  fellows.  Neither  pamphlet  nor 
respirator  has  been  a  success,  and  author  and  inventor  are 
on  the  brink  of  vagrancy.  While  awaiting  notice  of  eject- 
ment, they  are  startled  by  the  entrance  of  an  official  whose 
name  symbolizes  his  voraciousness  —  Mr.  Wolfe.  To  the 
despondent  barristers  he  announces  Thistleton's  appoint- 
ment to  Cacona.  Affairs  in  the  Island,  it  seems,  are  in  a  bad 
way,  and  the  Office,  in  desperation,  has  turned  to  the  author 
of  Colonies  and  Colonization.  He  has  never  heard  of  Cacona, 
but  he  conceals  his  ignorance  and  accepts  with  a  tip  the 
messenger's  "  Your  Excellency."  Mr.  Wolfe's  rapacious- 
ness  attaches  him  to  the  newly  appointed  governor,  to  whom 
he  advances,  at  a  ruinous  rate  of  interest,  the  funds  to  pur- 
chase a  kit,  and  to  whom  he  presents  a  "  Sweet  "  in  the 
person  of  his  son.  With  this  ill-bred  attendant  and  his  secre- 
tary the  Honorable  Francis  sets  sail  for  the  Island. 

During  the  voyage  he  learns  something  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  mystery  attached  to  their  manner  of  life  appears  in  their 


100  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

welcome  of  the  Governor.  On  his  arrival  at  Mud  Creek 
Harbour,  more  desolate  than  usual  because  of  the  rain  and 
the  bleakness  of  the  night,  he  is  met  by  Mr.  Bullyman,  on 
whose  shoulders  he  enters  his  domain.  This  method  of  entry, 
his  host  remarks,  "  would  have  an  effect."  For  "  effect" 
too  he  is  persuaded  to  attend  a  ball  in  his  honor.  At  this 
entertainment  he  is  introduced  to  Miss  McTighe,  daughter 
of  one  of  his  host's  partisans,  the  Suckers,  by  whom  his 
movements  are  entirely  regulated.  On  their  advice  he  gives 
a  state  dinner  to  inaugurate  his  administration. 

His  ambitions  are  high.  Since  his  appointment  is  evi- 
dently due  to  the  radical  theories  of  the  pamphlet,  he  has 
reason  to  believe  that  he  is  expected  to  introduce  a  liberal 
regime;  but  the  more  he  studies  despatches  the  more  con- 
fused he  becomes.  From  the  chaos  of  instructions,  how- 
ever, he  finally  divines  that  he  is  to  act  as  seems  best;  and 
so  establishes  the  forms  of  representative  government. 
Through  his  Cabinet,  composed  of  Suckers,  he  is  forced  to 
repudiate  an  axiomatic  principle  of  Euclid:  the  railroad 
from  Jericho,  the  capital  of  the  Island,  to  Jazes,  is  built  on 
the  theory  that  any  two  sides  of  a  triangle  are  together 
shorter  than  the  third  side.  Through  it  too  he  assists  in  the 
distribution  of  patronage:  members  and  would-be  mem- 
bers of  the  Roundabout,  the  lower  house,  are  elevated  to 
the  Drowsyheads,  the  upper  chamber.  Members  of  the 
Drowsyheads  are  raised  to  the  Bench.  Official  sanction  of 
these  appointments  connects  him  with  the  System  to  such 
an  extent  that  Mr.  Fester,  an  unamiable  Sucker,  suggests  a 
marriage  with  Miss  McTighe  of  ballroom  memory.  The 
Governor's  rejection  of  this  proposal  and  Pinkcrton's  cool- 
ness towards  Miss  Melinda  Vantoozler  cause  a  revolt  among 
the  Suckers.  Their  dissatisfaction  flames  into  rebellion 
when  he  refuses  to  sign  the  Obejoyful  Bill;  and  the  Gov- 
ernor, forced  to  flee,  escapes  through  the  good  offices  of  the 
neglected,  but  dignified  and  honorable,  Bullfrogs.  So  ends 
the  administration  of  the  Honorable  Francis  Thistleton. 


POLITICAL  SATIRE  IOI 

The  relation  of  this  satire  to  contemporaneous  events 
and  to  the  complacent  narrative  of  Sir  Francis  Bond  Head 
is  summarized  in  "  L'Envoi  to  the  Reader,"  signed  G.  S.  C. 
Although  the  claim  of  immortality  made  by  the  writer,  un- 
doubtedly a  disgruntled  Bullfrog,  is  partly  due  to  his  faith 
in  the  superiority  of  his  kind,  there  is  considerable  swing  to 
the  narrative.  In  spite  of  the  careless  journalistic  style  so 
typical  of  the  period  the  episodes  stand  out  in  striking  re- 
lief. The  incidents,  therefore,  give  it  merit  apart  from  the 
satire.  As  an  entertaining  picture  of  colonial  administra- 
tion and  party  government  —  of  the  eternal  struggle  be- 
tween the  Suckers  and  the  Bullfrogs  —  it  will  always  be 
valuable:  the  inefficiencies  of  Downing  Street  and  the 
pettifoggeries  of  the  Governor's  Cabinet  have  universal 
significance.  It  will  probably  be  remembered,  however, 
when  the  Rebellion  Losses  Bill  is  forgotten,  as  a  curious 
story  of  adventure. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS 


Even  more  typical  of  the  Pre- Confederation  Period  than  the 
sketches  of  Haliburton  and  lesser  men  like  Fleet  is  the  work 
of  those  who  were  essentially  publicists.  To  catch  the  spirit 
of  the  time  one  need  but  turn  to  the  accumulations  of  dis- 
connected facts  which  fill  their  volumes.  Even  the  greatest 
of  these  —  those  of  acknowledged  worth  and  international 
repute  —  have  little  imaginative  power.  The  past  was  too 
recent  and  the  future  too  uncertain  for  either  incident  or 
possibility  to  assume  its  correct  proportion.  The  brochures 
and  treatises  of  this  era  are  material  for  the  historian  rather 
than  history.  The  authors  —  neither  men  of  genius  with  the 
power  to  select  and  vitalize  significant  data  nor  scholars 
trained  by  long  experience  to  weigh  the  relative  value  of 
details  —  were  men  of  average  intelligence  and  education 
who  were  turned  aside  from  their  proper  interests  by  the 
curiosity  of  the  age. 

The  general  tendency  towards  enumeration  appears  no- 
where more  clearly  than  in  the  books  on  the  War  of  1812. 
As  the  struggle  in  Canada  was  focused  in  the  region  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  it  is  natural  that  most  of  these  should  deal 
with  operations  in  the  West.  By  a  curious  train  of  circum- 
stances, however,  Halifax  is  associated  with  the  standard 
naval  history  of  the  Empire.  Although  several  native  writ- 
ers had  touched  on  the  maritime  activities  of  the  War,  it 
remained  for  a  West  Indian,  who  was  stimulated  by  the 
prevailing  mood,  to  undertake  an  exhaustive  chronicle. 
Nothing  can  be  more  characteristic  than  the  plan  and  tone 
of  this  performance.    Its  author,  William  James  (  ?-i82  7), 


10a 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS  103 

a  Jamaican  attorney  detained  in  the  United  States,  had 
escaped  to  Halifax,  where  he  had  become  interested  in  naval 
operations  on  the  Atlantic.  The  first  results  of  his  residence 
in  Nova  Scotia  were  several  letters  signed  "  Boxer  "  which 
he  contributed  to  the  Naval  Chronicle.  In  these  papers, 
which  were  republished  as  Synopsis  of  Naval  Actions  between 
the  Ships  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  of  the  United  States, 
he  pointed  out  that  the  "  American  frigates  were  larger, 
stouter,  more  heavily  armed,  and  more  strongly  manned 
than  the  English  which  they  had  captured,"  and  that  their 
victories  should  be  attributed  "  not  to  superior  seamanship 
nor  to  superior  courage  but  to  superior  numerical  force." 
During  the  next  three  years  he  continued  his  investiga- 
tions, examining  documents,  visiting  ships,  and  interviewing 
officers  and  men.  Finally,  in  181 6,  he  published  at  Halifax 
his  well-known  work,  An  Inquiry  into  the  Merits  of  the  Prin- 
cipal Naval  Actions  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States;  Comprising  an  Account  of  all  British  and  American 
Ships  Captured  and  Destroyed  since  the  Eighteenth  of  June, 
18 12.  This  volume,  dedicated  to  "  The  Loyal  Inhabitants 
of  his  Majesty's  North  American  Provinces,"  created  a  sen- 
sation in  Canada  and  the  United  States,  where  it  aroused 
bitter  resentment.  Though  the  conclusions  of  the  Inquiry, 
which  is  the  result  of  prolonged  research,  may  be  correct, 
the  malicious  attitude  of  the  writer  and  his  effort  to  be- 
little the  United  States  detract  from  its  value.  While  it 
stimulated  scholarship,  it  did  not  promote  good  will.  The 
controversy  it  aroused  reechoes  at  intervals  in  dissertations 
on  the  conflict;  but  time  has  healed  its  wounds,  and  the 
Inquiry,  which  is  the  basis  of  the  more  pretentious  chronicle 
which  followed,  is  generally  accepted  as  a  useful  but  unin- 
spired repository  of  fact.  In  spite  of  its  numerous  editions, 
it  is  not  a  history  in  either  temper  or  method. 

The  same  criticism  may  be  made  regarding  accounts  of 
operations  in  the  West.  As  James  wrote  to  hearten  the 
people  of  England,  the  historians  of  the  St.  Lawrence  wrote 


104  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

to  commemorate  the  achievements  of  their  countrymen. 
Exception  may  be  made  in  the  case  of  Robert  Christie, 
whose  Memoirs  of  the  Administration  of  the  Colonial  Govern- 
ment of  Lower  Canada  by  Sir  James  Henry  Craig  and  Sir 
George  Prevost,  published  at  Quebec  in  1818,  is  impartial 
enough  to  have  been  circulated  south  of  the  Border  as  The 
Military  and  Naval  Operations  in  the  Canadas.  Like  all 
Christie's  work,  of  which  I  shall  speak  in  detail,  it  has  noth- 
ing but  an  occasional  flash  of  eloquence  to  relieve  the  dead 
monotony  of  style.  More  biased  is  David  Thompson's 
(1 796-1 868)  History  of  the  Late  War  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  of  America  —  the  first  considerable 
book  written  in  Ontario  —  which  was  printed  at  Niagara 
in  1832.  Some  knowledge  of  literary  conditions  in  Upper 
Canada  may  be  gained  from  the  fact  that  the  author  spent  a 
term  in  prison  because  of  its  failure.  Other  accounts  may  be 
quickly  dismissed.  To  emphasize  the  general  interest  in  the 
theme,  however,  it  may  be  well  to  mention  in  passing  that 
John  Richardson,  the  novelist,  whose  high  place  in  Cana- 
dian literature  is  now  becoming  apparent,  reprinted,  in 
1842,  an  account,  The  Operations  of  the  Right  Division  of  the 
Canadian  Army,  in  which  he  had  served  as  a  lad  of  fifteen; 
that  Gilbert  Auchinleck  published  a  narrative  in  the  Anglo- 
American  Magazine  in  1855,  and  that  William  F.  Coffin, 
sometime  Sheriff  of  the  District  of  Montreal,  attempted,  in 
1864,  "  to  present  the  War  in  Canada  from  a  Canadian  point 
of  view."  His  book  is  interesting  because  it  reflects  the 
spirit  of  nationality,  and  also  because  it  is  an  appreciation 
by  a  man  of  Loyalist  birth  of  the  part  taken  by  French- 
Canadians  in  the  national  defense.  The  War  and  its  Moral; 
a  Canadian  Chronicle,  however,  is  a  tedious  performance. 
Its  florid  periods  destroy  any  sympathy  that  may  be  evoked 
by  the  heroism  of  Laura  Secord  and  De  Salaberry.  All  the 
narratives  of  the  War,  most  of  which  are  available  in  re- 
prints, are  distinguished  by  industrious  research  and  abom- 
inable form.     The  only  exception  is  Richardson's  account, 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS  1 05 

which  is  less  accurate  and  more  polished  than  the  others. 
In  spite  of  their  historical  value  they  cannot  give  their 
writers  a  place  in  literature. 

The  only  work  that  has  any  literary  merit  is  something 
much  less  formal  than  these  ponderous,  ill-proportioned 
theses.  The  little  brochure  to  which  I  refer  is  William 
Dunlop's  (1 792-1848)  Recollections  of  the  American  War 
1812-1814,  which  first  appeared  in  the  Literary  Garland,  the 
most  noteworthy  periodical  of  the  Pre-Confederation  Era. 
Its  author,  who  was  born  in  Scotland,  served  in  the  Western 
campaigns  as  surgeon  of  the  Conn  aught  Rangers.  After 
some  years  in  India,  where  he  acquired  a  reputation  by  his 
stories  of  tiger  hunting,  he  returned  to  London.  Joining  the 
Canada  Company  in  1826,  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in 
America.  While  Warden  of  the  Huron  Tract  and  a  member 
of  Parliament,  he  continued  his  literary  activities,  contribut- 
ing to  Fraser's  Magazine,  to  Blackwoods,  and  to  several 
Canadian  reviews.  His  facetiousness,  which  is  echoed  in  the 
Nodes  Ambrosianae,  and  in  his  own  Statistical  Sketches  of 
Upper  Canada,  illuminates  the  Recollections  with  its  clever 
portraits  —  its  pictures  of  Peggy  Bruce  and  Beau  B.,  whom 
he  so  daringly  outwitted.  These  humorous  reminiscences 
are  the  only  memorials  of  the  War  that  time  will  not  will- 
ingly let  die. 

Nor  have  the  local  histories  —  of  towns  and  counties,  of 
Halifax  and  the  Eastern  Townships  —  more  vitality.  Like 
most  accounts  of  the  War  they  are  mere  treasuries  of  fact, 
painful  collections  of  irrelevant  detail.  The  narratives  of 
special  periods  by  Christie,  Richardson,  and  others  suffer 
from  the  same  defect.  The  writers  were  too  near  their  ma- 
terial to  estimate  its  value. 

In  a  way  also  this  is  true  of  more  pretentious  works.  They 
show  immense  curiosity  but  little  imagination.  In  the 
decades  following  the  War  there  were  in  each  province  men 
who  tried  to  write  its  history.  In  every  case  their  narratives 
lack  proportion.    In  the  first  history  of  New  Brunswick,  for 


106  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

example,  the  Great  Fire  appears  as  the  most  important 
episode.  A  large  part  of  the  volume  is  devoted  to  gruesome 
descriptions  of  its  horrors.  Nevertheless,  a  few  men  were  able 
to  overcome,  to  some  extent,  the  obvious  disadvantages  of 
their  situation.  Haliburton's  Nova  Scotia  has  already  been 
mentioned.  In  1815  also  William  Smith  (1 769-1847),  Clerk 
of  the  Parliament  of  Lower  Canada,  and  son  of  the  Chief 
Justice  of  Canada  —  a  graduate  of  Yale  and  last  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  New  York  under  the  Crown  —  completed  his  History 
of  Canada;  from  its  First  Discovery  to  the  Year  17 •gi.  Though 
the  first  volume  is  not  original,  the  second,  which  covers  the 
Occupation,  is  the  only  source  for  much  information  that 
cannot  be  found  elsewhere.  Another  writer  who  may  be 
added  to  the  list  of  minor  historians  is  John  Mercier  Mac- 
Mullen,  whose  History  of  Canada  (1855)  has  been  constantly 
republished.  Though  written  with  the  ease  of  a  journalist, 
it  is  superficial  and  ineffective.  The  two  men  who  have 
obtained  any  reputation  among  scholars  will  probably  be  as 
soon  forgotten.  The  lesser  of  these  is  Beamish  Murdock, 
whose  History  of  Nova  Scotia  (1867)  is  as  characteristic  of  its 
time  as  of  its  author.  His  "  stiff,  antiquated  figure  in  rusty 
black,"  in  Sir  John  Bourinot's  words,  is  symbolic  of  the 
dust-covered  records  of  Halifax  which  he  has  preserved  in  his 
three  large  volumes.  The  greater,  both  in  extent  of  work 
and  reputation,  is  Robert  Christie  (1 788-1856).  Born  and 
educated  at  Windsor,  he  inherited  its  conservatism.  Until 
his  death  he  retained  the  ideals  and  dress  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  which  he  took  with  him  when  he  entered  the 
Assembly  of  Lower  Canada  as  member  from  Gaspe.  His 
career  there  was  far  from  happy.  Because  he  advised  the 
Governor  to  dismiss  a  number  of  magistrates,  he  was  twice 
expelled  from  the  House.  A  simple-minded  gentleman,  with 
a  courage  akin  to  obstinacy,  he  is  more  impartial  than  most 
of  his  contemporaries.  Nevertheless,  his  work  cannot  be 
rated  very  high.  No  one,  it  is  certain,  will  credit  him  with 
literary  power.    If  he  had  any  idea  of  evolution,  it  does  not 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS  1 07 

appear  in  the  mass  of  undigested  material  which  he  accu- 
mulated in  the  six  volumes  of  A  History  of  the  Late  Province 
of  Lower  Canada  (1849-55),  on  which  his  reputation  princi- 
pally depends.  A  jumble  of  facts  and  ideas  expressed  in  long, 
scraggly  sentences  covering  a  page  or  more  does  not  make 
history.     Much  less  does  it  make  literature. 

Though  the  work  of  Murdock  and  Christie  is  of  no  in- 
trinsic value,  it  illustrates  the  character  of  the  Pre-Confed- 
eration  Period :  that  reminiscence  was  giving  place  to  curios- 
ity unlightened  by  national  imagination.  While  conscious 
of  increased  unity  of  feeling,  the  people  of  British  North 
America  were  not  conscious  of  increased  unity  of  purpose. 
The  fragmentary  character  of  their  histories  is  the  inevitable 
outcome  of  the  fragmentary  nature  of  their  life. 

Nowhere  is  that  nature  more  evident  than  in  the  four 
hundred  pamphlets,  public  letters,  and  special  essays  deal- 
ing with  the  problems  of  constitutional  development.  It 
has  often  been  said  that  the  success  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion determined  the  future  of  the  British  Empire.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  War  decided  nothing  whatever  regarding 
the  questions  at  issue.  It  merely  showed  how  impossible 
it  is  for  bloodshed  to  establish  any  theory  of  government. 
Whether  imperial  connection  is  compatible  with  modern 
democracy  was  determined  not  at  Lexington  or  Bunker  Hill 
but  in  the  course  of  the  long  struggle  from  which  the  Do- 
minion emerged  as  a  national  entity  within  a  union  of  sov- 
ereign states.  As  the  Edinburgh  Review  once  pointed  out, 
the  progress  of  the  British  Empire  since  the  War  of  181 2 
has  been  conditioned  largely  by  the  theories  developed  in 
Canada  during  the  Pre- Confederation  Era.  It  has  always 
been  customary  to  make  light  of  the  political  literature  of 
this  period.  It  is  true  that  no  one  except  Howe  has  left  any 
considerable  body  of  prose  which  is  distinguished  by  imag- 
ination and  felicity  of  phrase:  his  essays,  speeches,  and 
legislative  reviews  are  as  noble  in  tone  and  as  lofty  in  ut- 
terance as  the  writings  of  any  statesman  of  his  century. 


108  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Nevertheless,  since  the  pamphleteers  felt  strongly  the  truth 
of  what  they  advocated,  their  style,  though  lacking  in  ease, 
is  never  lacking  in  vigor.  Haliburton  in  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces, for  instance,  may  be  cited  as  a  representative  Tory 
skirmisher.  In  Upper  Canada,  Sir  John  Beverley  Robinson 
(i  791-1863),  whose  name  links  Ontario  with  the  Loyalists 
of  New  York,  and  Bishop  Strachan  (1778-1867),  represent- 
ing the  conservative  elements,  with  Robert  Fleming  Gour- 
lay  and  William  Lyon  Mackenzie,  representing  the  radical, 
have  been  singled  out  as  writers  of  merit.  Amidst  the 
scores  of  partisan  essayists,  however,  it  is  unwise  to  make 
any  distinction.  The  work  of  all  the  pamphleteers,  whether 
barristers,  clergymen,  or  editors,  has  the  same  qualities  — 
force  and  inflexibility.  As  a  rule,  the  style  differs  little  from 
that  of  the  newspaper  editorials,  where  abuse  usually  takes 
the  place  of  argument.  The  pamphleteers  in  fact  were 
journalists;  and  their  work  coincides  with  the  rise  of  the 
press,  in  which  most  of  their  monographs  first  appeared  as 
anonymous  contributions. 

Through  their  activity  one  name  at  least  has  been  added 
to  the  realm  of  constitutional  history.  The  controversies 
raised  by  the  possibility  of  annexation,  provincial  union,  or 
imperial  federation  led  to  a  vast  amount  of  research.  Con- 
tinental sentiment,  which  simmered  for  a  few  years,  and 
then  disappeared  entirely,  had  no  supporters  of  eminence, 
and  added  nothing  to  the  political  literature  of  the  country. 
All  that  is  of  value  touches  the  problems  of  union  and  im- 
perial federation.  Agitation  in  favor  of  some  kind  of  legis- 
lative bond  among  the  scattered  colonies  began  as  early  as 
1814,  the  last  year  of  the  War,  when  Jonathan  Sewell  (1766- 
1839),  son  of  the  Attorney-General  of  Massachusetts,  wrote 
his  pamphlet  advocating  a  union  of  British  North  America. 
During  the  next  fifty  years,  while  liberal  institutions  were 
being  evolved,  many  men  aside  from  politicians  like  Howe 
contributed  to  the  discussion  of  constitutional  progress. 
Chief  of  these  is  Alpheus  Todd  (1821-84),  whose  life,  with 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS  1 09 

its  religious  aberrations,  is  a  mirror  of  the  prevailing  spirit 
of  curiosity  and  unrest.  As  librarian  of  the  Legislature  of 
Upper  Canada,  he  had  every  opportunity  to  follow  his  bent. 
In  1840,  four  years  before  May's  treatise,  he  compiled 
The  Practice  and  Privileges  of  the  Two  Houses  of  Parliament, 
and,  in  1866,  he  contributed  a  pamphlet,  Brief  Suggestions, 
to  the  debate  regarding  the  form  of  government  to  be  in- 
troduced into  British  North  America.  In  the  following 
year,  1867,  coincident  with  the  Confederation,  he  issued 
the  first  volume  of  his  famous  work,  Parliamentary  Govern- 
ment in  England;  its  Origin,  Development,  and  Practical 
Operation.  What  was  long  considered  the  greatest  study  of 
the  English  constitution  thus  originated  in  the  squabbles  of 
the  Canadas.  As  Todd  had  been  asked  for  advice  regarding 
"  many  difficult  and  complex  "  phases  of  administration,  he 
undertook  the  work  for  the  benefit  of  his  countrymen.  By 
explaining  the  origin  and  development  of  political  institu- 
tions across  the  sea  he  hoped  to  make  them  understood  and 
appreciated  in  the  Dominion.  That  colonial  statesmen 
might  be  adequately  informed,  he  continued  his  labors  dur- 
ing the  next  two  years,  and,  in  1869,  issued  the  second 
volume,  dedicated  to  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee.  This  was 
followed  in  time  by  his  studies  of  the  Canadian  constitu- 
tion, which  have  since  been  augmented  by  a  Nova  Scotian 
who  was  already  beginning  his  career  —  Sir  John  George 
Bourinot  (1837-1902). 

On  its  appearance  Parliamentary  Government  was  at  once 
accorded  a  high  place.  By  the  Edinburgh  Review,  the  West- 
minster Review,  the  Saturday  Review,  and  other  periodicals 
it  was  recognized  as  a  notable  piece  of  work.  This  estimate 
has  never  been  reversed.  Translated  into  German  and  later 
into  Italian,  it  is  still  read.  Yet,  in  spite  of  its  merit,  it  has 
all  the  faults  of  its  time.  In  one  respect  Todd  differs  little 
from  the  minor  historians  whose  names,  cited  in  illustration, 
are  rightly  forgotten.  Unlike  theirs  his  work  has  propor- 
tion; like  theirs,  however,  it  lacks  imagination.    The  Con- 


IIO  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

stitution  is  not  a  living  organism  constantly  adapting  itself 
to  new  conditions.  It  is  a  thing  of  statutes  and  dust-covered 
memoranda.  Though  Todd  was  a  great  scholar,  he  was  not 
a  great  craftsman.  His  lifeless,  rather  wooden,  prose  is  the 
natural  expression  of  an  inquisitive  but  unimaginative  mind. 

The  bond  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Domin- 
ion was  further  strengthened  by  many  historians  and  pub- 
licists who  emigrated  to  Canada  when  their  tastes  and  views 
were  already  formed.  To  show  the  significance  of  this  ele- 
ment I  need  but  mention  the  name  of  Thomas  D'Arcy 
McGee  (1825-68).  As  the  chief  Irish  patriot  and  man  of 
letters  in  America,  his  advocacy  of  British  institutions, 
which  had  a  tremendous  effect  on  the  Irish-Catholic  popu- 
lation, counteracted  the  tendency  of  his  co-religionists  to 
think  only  of  progress  south  of  the  Border.  In  many  re- 
spects he  was  not  unlike  Howe.  An  orator  of  great  eloquence, 
with  a  fiery  love  of  freedom,  he  labored  unceasingly  for  the 
improvement  of  the  people  for  whom  he  laid  down  his  life. 
Like  Howe  also  he  gave  both  sympathy  and  encouragement 
to  men  whose  names  are  more  renowned  than  his  own. 
Of  the  numerous  prose  works  which  link  the  Dominion  with 
his  native  island  the  best  known  is  his  Popular  History  of 
Ireland  (1862-63).  Though  it  lacks  the  imaginative  out- 
look of  his  Canadian  essays,  it  is  written  with  his  customary 
skill. 

While  the  Dominion  was  thus  indebted  to  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  it  received  little  stimulus  from  the  United 
States.  The  colleges  south  of  the  Great  Lakes  had  nothing  to 
offer  its  scholars,  who  turned  perforce  to  the  universities  of 
the  Mother  Country.  There  was  no  stream  of  students  as 
today  passing  back  and  forth  across  the  Border.  Though  it 
is  true  —  as  a  glance  at  the  faculty  of  any  great  educational 
institution  in  the  United  States  will  prove--  that  many  do 
not  return,  it  is  also  true  that  there  is  an  increasing  measure 
of  intellectual  reciprocity.  In  the  Prc-Confederation  Era 
conditions  were  different.    The  young  men  who  left  Canada 


HISTORY  AND  POLITICS  III 

for  wider  opportunities  invariably  remained.  A  reader  will 
at  once  think  of  Charles  Wentworth  Upham  (1802-75)  — 
son  of  a  Loyalist  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Bruns- 
wick —  whose  Salem  Witchcraft  is  authoritative  as  well  as 
ponderous,  and  of  John  Foster  Kirk  (1824-1904),  author  of 
A  History  of  Charles  the  Bold  (1853-68),  who  left  Quebec 
to  become  Prescott's  secretary. 

Despite  the  fact  that  historical  and  political  literature  in 
Canada  was  thus  closely  related  to  that  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  rather  than  to  that  of  the  United  States,  the  rela- 
tionship did  not  alter  its  American  characteristics.  The 
form  was  often  of  the  Old  World ;  the  spirit  was  always  of 
the  New.  In  continuity  of  authorship  and  insistence  on 
equality  of  privilege  there  are  few  departures  from  the 
trails  blazed  by  the  early  New  England  settlers. 


CHAPTER  IX 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE  IN  THE  CANADAS 

Though  the  Nova  Scotian  had  more  influence  on  the  literary 
ideals  of  the  Maritime  Provinces  than  any  other  periodical, 
its  popularity  is  only  one  sign  of  the  post-bellum  renaissance. 
After  the  collapse  of  the  Loyalist  reviews  there  were  a 
couple  of  efforts  in  the  following  decade  to  maintain  a  re- 
spectable magazine,  but  these  attempts  met  with  immediate 
failure.  In  1826,  however,  when  Howe  was  maturing  the 
plans  for  his  paper,  the  Acadian  Magazine;  or  Literary  Mir- 
ror appeared  at  Halifax.  That  it  did  not  reach  it's  third 
year  does  not  detract  from  its  significance.  The  sketches  en- 
titled "The  Characteristics  of  Nova  Scotia"  and  the  reviews 
of  Howe's  "Melville  Island"  and  Goldsmith's  The  Rising 
Village,  in  which  it  finds  the  germs  of  a  native  literature, 
show  where  its  ambitions  lay.  Though  Howe  remarked 
good  naturedly,  when  it  died,  that  the  public,  which  was 
accused  of  criminal  neglect,  could  hardly  be  held  guilty 
because  the  Acadian  had  never  shown  any  signs  of  life,  the 
extent  of  its  original  contributions  indicates  the  existence  of 
a  coterie  of  literary  aspirants.  This  fact  is  corroborated  by 
the  six  periodicals  which  followed  in  its  wake  and,  more 
particularly,  by  the  numbers  of  the  Halifax  Monthly  Maga- 
zine (1830-33),  which  is  far  more  original,  far  more  pert, 
and  far  more  gossipy  than  anything  which  had  preceded. 
That  most  articles  are  devoted  to  British  North  America 
shows  that  a  taste  for  local  material  had  already  taken  root. 
To  appreciate  the  force  of  this  tendency  one  has  merely  to 
turn  to  the  two  leading  periodicals  of  Lower  Canada. 

The  first,  the  Canadian  Magazine  and  Literary  Reposi- 
tory, a  monthly  publication  of  ninety-six  pages  begun  in 

112 


PERIODICAL  LITERATURE  113 

July,  1823,  died  at  the  end  of  its  second  year.  It  had  few 
readers,  and  is  of  no  importance  except  as  it  reflects  the 
temper  of  the  English-speaking  people  of  Quebec.  Its  pur- 
pose was  to  give  not  only  "  stability  and  permanency  but 
spirit  and  enterprise  to  literary  pursuits."  Though  the  edi- 
tor speaks  of  the  "  rise  of  a  great,  prosperous,  and  inde- 
pendent nation,"  he  did  not  gainsay  the  past:  the  Magazine 
was  to  aid  "in  keeping  alive  the  heroic  and  energetic 
sentiments  of  our  ancestors  —  their  private  virtues  and 
public  patriotism  —  and  in  forming,  for  the  example  of 
posterity,  a  moral,  an  industrious,  and  a  loyal  population." 
Aside  from  the  trend  of  these  remarks  there  is  little  of  in- 
terest in  its  volumes.  Like  those  of  the  Nova  Scotia  Maga- 
zine they  contain  prose  and  verse,  selected  and  original,  and 
a  foreign  and  domestic  chronicle.  The  most  important 
articles  are  on  Montreal  and  the  fur  trade.  The  verse  re- 
flects the  tendencies  of  the  time:  the  persistence  of  the 
classical  tradition  and  the  supremacy  of  Byron.  Even  in 
the  longer  poems  where  the  couplet  is  maintained  with  un- 
impaired uniformity  the  subject  matter  is  inspired  by  the 
prevailing  vogue.  The  minor  verse  — ■  love  songs,  odes  on 
Greece,  and  French  and  German  ballads  —  show  how 
closely  progress  coincided  with  that  to  the  south. 

The  efforts  of  the  Canadian  Magazine  to  review  the  work 
of  foreign  and  native  authors  were  overshadowed  by  those 
of  the  next  periodical,  the  Canadian  Review  and  Literary  and 
Historical  Journal  (1824-26),  which  compares  favorably 
with  the  first  issues  of  the  North  American,  by  which  it  was 
rather  contemptuously  assailed.  Each  number,  modelled 
after  the  Edinburgh  Review,  contains  two  hundred  and  forty 
pages  of  solid  reading.  It  is  a  striking  fact  that  the  first 
volume  describes  the  organization  of  the  Quebec  Literary 
and  Historical  Society,  an  institution  which  has  done  much 
to  encourage  research.  The  prophecy  that  "it  will  raise  us  in 
the  moral  and  intellectual  scale  of  nations  "  has  not  been  en- 
tirely unfulfilled.  Nine  titles  of  the  first  number,  it  is  worthy 


114  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

of  note,  introduce  articles  on  various  phases  of  Canadian 
life.  Two  of  the  remainder  are  reviews  of  Canadian  books. 
In  the  criticism  of  St.  Ursula's  Convent;  or  the  Nun  of  Canada 
(1824),  the  first  novel  written  in  Ontario,  the  treatment  is 
frank  and  suggestive.  Quite  as  stimulating  is  the  critique  of 
The  Charivari,  or  Canadian  Poetics  (1824),  one  of  the  numer- 
ous Byronic  imitations  which  appear  to  have  been  popular. 
Indeed,  all  the  four  long  poems  included  in  this  number  em- 
phasize the  power  of  Byron  over  his  contemporaries.  It 
appears  in  "  Dramfred,  a  Dramatic  Poem,"  a  parody  of 
Manfred,  in  "  Euphrosyne,  a  Turkish  Tale  ";  in  a  trans- 
lation of  Lamartine's  "Man"  addressed  to  Byron,  and  in 
the  "Ode  to  Spain."  It  appears  also  in  the  review  of  Man- 
fred, in  which  the  writer  questions  the  sincerity  of  the  poet's 
art.  The  courage  shown  by  the  contributors  gives  its  judg- 
ments, crude  as  they  are,  exceptional  vitality.  Since  their 
publication  there  has  been  little  in  Canada  to  compare  with 
them.  It  is  regrettable  that  the  magazine  did  not  find  ade- 
quate support. 

Though  its  essays  are  modelled  after  those  of  the  Edin- 
burgh Review,  it  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  its  conclusions. 
In  criticizing  John  Howison's  Sketches  of  Upper  Canada,  the 
writer  remarks:  "  But  in  our  opinion  the  most  extraordinary 
circumstance  which  attended  the  publication  of  the  first 
edition  of  this  work  was  the  marked  respect  and  unqualified 
approbation  which  it  experienced  from  those  two  great 
periodical  publications  of  Scotland  --  the  Edinburgh  Review 
and  Blackwood's  Magazine.  That  the  latter,  however  in- 
consistent with  its  avowed  principles  and  conduct,  should 
endeavor  to  speak  favorably  of  a  production  coming  from 
the  hands  of  a  frequent  and  laborious  contributor  to  its  own 
pages  is  not  so  surprising;  but  that  the  former,  which  is  re- 
nowned all  over  the  world  for  the  splendor  of  its  talents,  the 
correctness  of  its  information,  and  the  general,  though  severe 
and  impartial,  accuracy  of  its  critical  comments  and  reason- 
ing, should  lend  its  pages  to  the  propagation  of  one  of  the 


PERIODICAL  LITERATURE  115 

most  puerile  .  .  .  descriptions  that  was  ever  given  of 
Canada  is  to  us  a  matter  of  much  surprise  and  curiosity." 

The  Colony,  he  says,  strikes  Englishmen  in  much  the  same 
light  as  the  ring  of  Saturn.  "  They  consider  it  as  something 
very  large,  very  distant,  and  inexpressibly  unimportant  to 
themselves  and  their  families."  A  man  of  ability,  he  sum- 
marizes the  characteristics  of  his  age  with  remarkable  in- 
sight. While  admitting  the  inertia  of  the  past,  he  emphasizes 
the  activity  of  the  present  —  "  the  spirit  which  has  lately 
been  awakened,  and  is  now  in  busy  operation  within  this 
country  for  its  improvement."  Instinctively  also  he  turns 
to  the  defense  of  the  United  States,  which  had  been  assailed 
by  Howison  according  to  the  custom  of  English  travellers. 
Indeed,  the  review  of  the  Sketches  is  a  good  criterion  of  the 
force  with  which  the  periodical  was  conducted.  Though  its 
estimates  are  usually  inconclusive,  its  contributors  often 
wrote  with  spirit  and  independence. 

Though  less  ambitious,  the  Literary  Garland  (1838-51), 
a  monthly  edited  by  John  Gibson  and  Mrs.  Cushing,  was 
more  popular.  It  did  for  the  Canadas  what  the  Nova  Scotian 
did  for  the  Maritime  Provinces.  With  it  were  connected  the 
Western  writers  who  have  achieved  any  place  in  Canadian 
literature.  John  Richardson,  Charles  Sangster,  Mrs.  Lep- 
rohon,  and  the  Strickland  sisters,  Mrs.  Moodie  and  Mrs. 
Traill,  for  instance,  contributed  to  its  columns.  Imbued 
with  the  tenets  of  romanticism,  the  Stricklands  carried  into 
the  valley  of  the  Trent  an  ardent  love  of  natural  beauty. 
Through  their  verse  and  prose  they  aroused  the  inhabitants 
of  Ontario  and  Quebec  to  an  appreciation  of  their  heritage. 
The  Garland  is  remembered,  therefore,  as  the  chief  exponent 
of  romanticism  and  as  the  source  of  the  nationalistic  move- 
ment to  employ  Canadian  material.  Affected  doubtless  by 
the  success  of  Eraser's  Magazine,  it  stimulated  every  phase 
of  literary  production:  verse,  memoir,  essay,  sketch,  and 
novel.  From  its  poetry,  as  Wilfred  Campbell  has  pointed 
out,  it  would  be  possible  to  compile  a  pleasing  anthology. 


Il6  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Its  prose,  as  I  have  to  show,  is  of  considerable  importance. 
In  accomplishment  and  in  effect  on  public  taste  the  Garland 
surpassed  all  its  rivals.  After  its  collapse  a  dozen  magazines 
and  reviews  struggled  for  an  audience,  but  one  by  one  they 
expired  without  leaving  any  trace  of  their  existence.  The 
Garland  alone  has  left  a  permanent  impress  on  the  national 
temperament. 


CHAPTER  X 


MEMOIRS 


In  their  struggle  for  supremacy  during  the  Pre- Confedera- 
tion Era  the  Loyalists  were  aided  by  many  half-pay  officers 
who  emigrated  to  Canada  after  the  War  of  1812.  In  the 
West  especially  the  conservative  elements  were  strengthened 
by  numerous  colonies  from  the  Mother  Country.  As  a  rule 
the  members  of  these  groups  merely  accentuated  the  social 
differences  of  the  communities  in  which  they  lived.  Un- 
fitted, in  most  cases,  for  the  hardships  of  pioneer  life,  they 
were  easily  gulled  by  the  unscrupulous  neighbors  whom 
they  despised.  Their  contributions  to  the  literature  of  the 
different  provinces  seldom  extend  beyond  the  colorless 
autobiographies  which  were  popular  during  the  first  decades 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Most  handbooks  emphasize  the  names  of  a  few  English 
men  and  women  of  literary  eminence  whose  work  was  in- 
fluenced, in  some  way,  by  their  residence  in  America.  Mrs. 
Jameson  (1 794-1860),  whose  life  in  Toronto  led  to  her 
Rambles  in  Canada  (1838),  is  given  a  niche  in  the  Cana- 
dian hall  of  fame.  A  larger  place  is  reserved  for  John  Gait 
(1 799-1839),  the  Scotch  novelist,  who  drew  on  his  trans- 
atlantic experiences  when  he  returned  to  England  after  his 
disastrous  adventure  in  the  Canada  Company.  Neither  of 
them,  however,  left  any  impress  on  Canadian  literature. 
Undoubtedly  Gait's  connection  with  Blackwood's  extended 
its  circulation  in  Ontario,  and  thus  strengthened  the  links, 
already  strong,  between  Scotland  and  Canada.  After  his 
return  also  his  championship  helped  to  secure  a  hearing  for 
The  Club  and  the  Slick  series.  Nevertheless,  the  only  memo- 

117 


Il8  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

rial  of  his  residence  in  the  New  World  is  the  city  which  bears 
his  name.  None  of  these  transient  visitors  had  any  follow- 
ing in  British  North  America. 

Though  most  autobiographies  of  the  period  have  long 
since  been  forgotten  except  by  bibliophiles,  early  conditions 
have  been  adequately  visualized  by  one  of  the  groups  of 
settlers  to  which  I  have  referred.  Since  girlhood  the  Strick- 
lands  had  dabbled  in  prose  and  verse.  After  their  early  life 
at  Stowe  House,  an  old  mansion  on  the  banks  of  the  Wave- 
ney,  the  family  removed  to  Reydon  Hall,  Sussex,  where  the 
daughters  were  educated  by  an  eccentric  but  brilliant  father. 
His  death,  in  1818,  left  them  in  straitened  circumstances. 
Impelled  by  necessity,  Catharine  Parr,  one  of  the  sisters, 
disposed  of  some  juvenile  stories  which  she  had  written  in 
her  spare  hours.  Her  success  stimulated  the  others  to  like 
endeavor.  As  a  result,  the  three  sisters,  Agnes  (1806-74), 
the  biographer  of  English  queens,  Susanna  (1803-85),  and 
Catharine  (1802-99)  soon  acquired  a  reputation  as  writers 
for  the  young.  Several  of  their  little  narratives,  all  of  which 
are  distinguished  by  the  sympathetic  observation  of  natural 
phenomena  that  makes  Mrs.  Traill's  sketches  so  attractive, 
still  divert  the  children  of  Great  Britain. 

From  the  pleasant  fields  of  Sussex  to  the  forests  of  Rice 
Lake  is  a  long  journey.  Ninety  years  ago  it  was  longer  and 
more  wearisome  than  today.  Yet,  like  many  other  young 
Englishwomen,  the  two  sisters,  Susanna  and  Catharine, 
accompanied  their  husbands  to  the  new  Land  of  Promise. 
In  183 1  Susanna  married  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Dunbar  Moodie 
of  Melsetter,  in  the  Orkney  Islands,  and  with  him  set  sail  for 
Ontario.  Her  hopes  and  disappointments  during  the  follow- 
ing years  are  graphically  described  in  her  Roughing  It  in 
the  Bush;  or  Life  in  Canada  (1852),  which  has  been  equally 
popular  in  Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Canada. 
Its  value  lies  in  the  fact  that  her  experiences  were  those 
of  hundreds  of  other  delicately  reared  gentlewomen  who 
courageously  obeyed  the  call  of  duty.    From  Quebec  and 


MEMOIRS  119 

Montreal,  with  their  plague-infected  streets,  she  takes  her 
readers  into  the  taverns  of  the  "  Front,"  as  the  counties  on 
the  Lakes  were  then  designated,  and  into  the  offices  of  the 
despicable  speculators  who  preyed  on  the  ignorant  immi- 
grants. Were  it  not  for  her  powers  of  characterization,  her 
narrative  would  be  as  tedious  as  many  that  I  have  discarded. 
It  is  her  ability  to  depict  the  flotsam  of  a  raw  community, 
the  self-importance  of  the  newly  liberated  serf,  the  vanity  of 
the  impecunious  matron  who  boasts  of  her  high  connections 
at  "  Home,"  that  gives  her  preeminence  among  the  writers 
of  memoirs. 

Quite  as  fascinating  as  her  references  to  the  people  whom 
she  meets  is  the  unconscious  revelation  of  personality  in  her 
dependence  on  the  conventional  formulae  of  an  English 
gentlewoman;  in  her  surprise  that  the  titles  of  "  Sir  "  and 
"  Madam  "  are  "  very  rarely  applied  by  inferiors,"  and  in 
her  little  vanity  of  authorship.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  narrow- 
ness of  her  sex  and  of  her  age,  she  emerges  as  a  bright 
heroic  spirit  that  anxiety  and  suffering  could  neither  darken 
nor  intimidate. 

In  her  pages  it  is  possible  to  trace  her  homesickness  for  the 
English  countryside,  her  repugnance  at  her  lot  in  the  Cana- 
dian wilds,  and  her  final  contentment  with  her  adopted 
home.  "  My  love  for  Canada,"  she  confesses,  "  was  a  feeling 
very  nearly  allied  to  that  which  the  condemned  criminal 
entertains  for  his  cell."  "  Now,"  she  continues  later,  "  when 
not  only  reconciled  to  Canada,  but  loving  it,  and  feeling  a 
deep  personal  interest  in  its  present  welfare  and  the  fair 
prospect  of  its  future  greatness,  I  often  look  back  and  laugh 
at  the  feelings  with  which  I  then  regarded  this  noble  coun- 
try." In  a  later  book  she  adds:  "  I  no  longer  regard  myself 
as  an  alien  on  her  shores  but  her  daughter  by  adoption  — 
the  happy  mother  of  Canadian  children,  rejoicing  in  the 
warmth  and  hospitality  of  a  Canadian  home."  A  loyal 
daughter  she  was.  Howe,  with  his  memorable  phrases  lit 
by  the  clear  white  flame  of  his  imagination  never  uttered  a 


120  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

higher  prophecy  of  future  greatness  than  this  quiet,  reserved 
Englishwoman  of  the  Trent  Valley.  "  You  feel  at  every 
step,"  she  writes,  "  that  Canada  must  become  a  great  na- 
tion." Its  people  "  possess  capabilities  and  talents  which 
.  .  .  will  render  them  second  to  no  people  in  the  world." 

Though  Mrs.  Moodie  came  to  understand,  and  to  ap- 
preciate, her  neighbors,  she  never  closed  her  eyes  to  their 
imperfections.  Against  the  harshness  and  vulgarity  of  the 
satiric  tradition  she  never  ceased  to  battle.  As  one  of  the 
leaders  in  the  romantic  impulse,  which  has  done  much  to 
widen  the  horizon  of  the  Canadian  people,  she  is  worthy  of 
remembrance.  From  childhood  she  had  been  peculiarly 
susceptible  to  natural  beauty.  Coming  down  the  St.  Law- 
rence, she  tells  her  readers  in  Roughing  It,  she  broke  into 
tears  at  the  sight  of  Quebec.  "  Next  to  the  love  of  God," 
she  asseverates,  "  the  love  of  Nature  may  be  regarded  as  the 
purest  and  holiest  of  the  human  heart."  Though  not  en- 
tirely above  the  aristocratic  pastime  of  ridiculing  the  United 
States,  she  devoted  her  energies  to  the  nobler  task  of  arous- 
ing her  neighbors  to  the  glories  of  their  environment.  Into 
their  narrow,  unimaginative  minds,  warped  by  prejudice, 
she  brought  new  images  and  new  delights. 

For  whatever  she  accomplished  the  Literary  Garland  must 
be  given  due  credit.  On  its  inauguration  she  became  a  reg- 
ular contributor.  In  it  most  of  the  sketches  which  constitute 
Roughing  It  first  appeared.  Through  it  too  most  of  her  other 
work  secured  its  vogue. 

Her  novels,  all  autobiographical  in  character,  which  ran 
through  numerous  editions  in  Great  Britain  and  America, 
are  now  forgotten.  Though  favorably  criticized  by  Black- 
wood's and  other  reviews,  they  are  mere  echoes  of  Roughing 
It,  on  which  her  reputation  rests.  This,  her  most  vital  work, 
is  far  from  perfect.  The  intermediate  chapter,  "  The  Land 
Jobber,"  by  her  husband,  who  also  wrote  a  volume  of  rem- 
iniscences, destroys  what  little  continuity  the  narrative 
possesses.    The  descriptions  of  the  Indians,  who  appealed  to 


MEMOIRS  121 

her  sense  of  the  picturesque,  lack  proportion.  Worst  of  all, 
the  moral  that  no  gentleman  ever  succeeds  in  the  bush  de- 
tracts from  the  matter-of-fact  transcription  which  gives  the 
memoir  its  charm.  The  fact  that  Mrs.  Moodie  had  a  "  neg- 
ative mind  "  —  to  borrow  a  phrase  from  the  Athenaeum  — 
increases  her  skill  at  portraiture.  That  she  was  willing,  in 
general,  to  tell  what  she  saw,  without  offering  suggestions 
for  improvement,  heightens  the  power  of  her  sketches.  The 
naturalness  of  her  manner  at  once  invites  confidence.  The 
easy,  limpid,  almost  slipshod  style,  with  no  pretense  of 
force,  is  peculiarly  ingratiating. 

In  Great  Britain,  as  I  have  indicated,  the  memoir  met 
with  immediate  success.  In  the  United  States  the  excision  of 
certain  political  passages  led  to  equal  appreciation.  In 
Canada,  on  the  other  hand,  Roughing  It  aroused  extreme 
hostility.  Nothing  but  her  sex  saved  the  author  from  mal- 
treatment at  the  hands  of  those  to  whom  she  refers  in  the 
course  of  the  narrative.  Happily,  the  abuse  which  she  men- 
tions in  her  Life  in  the  Clearings  (1853)  has  not  affected  its 
ultimate  popularity.  So  well  has  it  maintained  its  position 
that  it  is  now  established  as  a  national  classic. 

While  the  Garland  created  a  demand  for  prose,  it  also 
encouraged  the  production  of  verse.  In  it  and  in  the  Vic- 
toria Magazine,  afterwards  conducted  by  Mrs.  Moodie  and 
her  husband,  most  of  her  poems  were  given  to  the  public. 
Though  few  of  her  lyrics  were  issued  in  book  form,  they 
speedily  sang  their  way  from  periodicals  and  newspapers 
into  the  homes  of  Ontario  and  Quebec.  Some  like  the 
"Snow  Song"  were  widely  popular  in  the  United  States. 
Although  many  of  these  ditties  are  entirely  worthless,  they 
brought  a  touch  of  cheer  into  many  an  unlovely  settlement, 
and  directed  the  attention  of  Canadian  writers  to  Canadian 
subjects.  However  pernicious  has  become  the  theory  that  a 
national  literature  must  be  provincial  in  material,  there  is 
no  gainsaying  the  fact  that,  when  first  promulgated  by  the 
Literary  Garland,   it   stimulated   independent  effort   and 


122  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

counteracted,  in  a  small  way,  the  influence  of  Byron,  whose 
cynicism  found  a  ready  echo  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
Though  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  Mrs.  Moodie  is  indebted 
to  the  English  Romanticists,  it  is  also  true  that  in  treatment 
as  well  as  in  subject  matter  she  occasionally  attains  to 
something  approaching  independence.  Verses  like  "The 
Canadian  Herd  Boy  "  show  how  gracefully  she  can  invest 
the  dull  routine  of  the  backwoods  with  a  poetic  coloring: 

Through  the  deep  woods,  at  peep  of  day, 
The  careless  herdboy  winds  his  way, 
By  piny  ridge  and  forest  stream, 
To  summon  home  his  roving  team: 
Cobos!  Cobos!  from  distant  dell 
Sly  echo  wafts  the  cattle  bell. 

A  blithe  reply  he  whistles  back 
And  follows  out  the  devious  track, 
O'er  fallen  tree  and  mossy  stone, 
A  path  to  all  save  him  alone  unknown: 
Cobos!  Cobos!  far  down  the  dell 
More  faintly  sounds  the  cattle  bell. 

See,  the  dark  swamp  before  him  throws 
A  tangled  mass  of  cedar  boughs; 
On  all  around  deep  silence  broods 
In  Nature's  boundless  solitudes: 
Cobos!  Cobos!  the  breezes  swell 
As  nearer  floats  the  cattle  bell. 

He  sees  them  now;  beneath  yon  trees 
His  motley  herd  recline  at  ease; 
With  lazy  pace  and  sullen  stare 
They  slowly  leave  their  shady  lair: 
Cobos!  Cobos!  far  up  the  dell 
Quick  jingling  comes  the  cattle  bell. 

I  have  referred  to  Mrs.  Moodie's  poetry  because  it  cannot 
be  separated  from  her  prose:  in  most  of  her  books  they  go 
hand  in  hand.  Together  they  show  the  growing  sense  of 
national  unity  and  the  emergence  of  a  new  attitude  towards 
Nature  and  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life. 


MEMOIRS  123 

With  the  Literary  Garland  and  the  Romantic  Movement 
is  associated  the  name  of  another  of  the  Strickland  sisters. 
In  the  year  after  Mrs.  Moodie's  marriage,  Catharine  and  her 
husband,  a  lieutenant  in  Moodie's  regiment,  followed  her  to 
Ontario.  Their  life  during  the  next  thirty  years  differed 
little  from  the  Moodies'.  It  is  a  sad  record  of  cholera,  priva- 
tion, and  loss  by  fire.  Yet,  in  spite  of  their  hardships,  the 
Traills  maintained  their  interest  in  literary  affairs.  Besides 
contributing  to  the  Garland  and  other  Canadian  magazines 
Mrs.  Traill  wrote  regularly  for  a  number  of  English  periodi- 
cals. Her  husband,  who  had  formed  many  friendships  with 
English  men  of  letters  during  his  career  at  Oxford,  main- 
tained a  correspondence  which  kept  them  in  touch  with 
progress  in  the  Mother  Country.  Mrs.  Traill's  work,  like 
Mrs.  Moodie's,  is  largely  conditioned  by  English  romanti- 
cism. Her  devotion  to  the  trees  and  plants  of  her  adopted 
home  —  a  devotion  known  through  the  sketches  of  her  old 
age  —  goes  back  to  her  girlhood  at  Reydon  Hall.  To  Can- 
ada she  brought  the  knowledge  acquired  by  many  a  ramble 
through  the  fields  of  Sussex.  With  Mrs.  Moodie  she  must 
be  given  credit  for  the  new  aesthetic  impulse  which  sweet- 
ened the  lives  of  the  Canadian  people. 

With  two  exceptions  none  of  her  early  books  are  now  read. 
Like  Mrs.  Moodie's  they  are  all  autobiographic.  Growing 
out  of  her  experience,  they  satisfied  the  curiosity  in  Can- 
ada and  Europe  regarding  the  resources  of  British  North 
America.  In  the  three  oldest  English-speaking  countries 
they  met  with  general  commendation.  So  great  was  the 
interest  aroused  by  the  story  of  her  exile  in  the  Ontario 
forest  that  Lord  Palmerston  granted  her  a  hundred  pounds 
from  the  civil  list.  Indeed,  Canadian  Crusoes  (1852),  edited 
by  her  sister  Agnes,  is  still  sold.  Though  not  a  pretentious 
story,  it  is  the  best  of  its  kind.  More  indicative  of  her  sen- 
sitive nature  is  the  "History  of  a  Squirrel  Family,"  which  is 
found  in  Lady  Mary  and  her  Nurse;  or  a  Peep  into  the  Cana- 
dian Forest  (1856).    This  child's  narrative,  one  of  the  nu- 


124  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

merous  tales  written  for  English  nurseries  during  the  first 
quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century,  would  be  less  than  medi- 
ocre were  it  not  for  the  story  of  Nimblefoot  and  his  sisters, 
Velvetpaw  and  Silvernose.  Apart  from  a  few  extraneous 
reflections  it  is  a  little  masterpiece  in  its  accurate  observa- 
tion and  sympathetic  treatment  of  animal  life.  The  simple, 
artless  tale,  slipping  along  without  effort,  compares  favor- 
ably with  anything  that  Mr.  Ernest  Seton  Thompson  or 
Mr.  Charles  George  Douglas  Roberts  has  yet  accomplished. 
In  a  humble  way  Mrs.  Traill's  girlhood  story  of  Little  Downy, 
the  Fieldmouse  (1822),  still  a  source  of  delight  in  many  an 
English  home,  and  an  excellent  study  in  preparation  for  the 
autobiography  of  Nimblefoot  and  his  sisters,  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  forerunner  of  the  animal  story  in  Canadian 
literature. 

Though  Mrs.  Moodie  and  Mrs.  Traill  must  be  accorded 
a  place  in  the  development  of  imaginative  prose  and  verse, 
their  work  is  essentially  reminiscent  in  mood.  It  is  the  chief 
memorial  of  the  English  immigration  which  followed  the 
War  of  181 2.  How  persistent  was  the  spirit  of  reminiscence 
among  the  English  settlers  in  Ontario  may  be  gathered  from 
the  fact  that  their  brother  Samuel,  who  emigrated  to  Can- 
ada when  a  lad  of  nineteen,  left  a  memoir,  Twenty-Seven 
Years  in  Canada  West  (1853),  which  was  edited  by  his  sister 
Agnes,  through  whose  name  it  has  acquired  a  fictitious  im- 
portance. It  is  valuable  chiefly  because  it  helps  to  re-create 
a  little  group  of  grave,  God-fearing  men  and  women  whose 
devotion  to  noble  aims  has  a  sweet  savor  amidst  the  drunk- 
enness and  vice  of  the  military  settlements. 


CHAPTER  XI 

JOHN  RICHARDSON  AND  THE  HISTORICAL 
ROMANCE 

Associated  with  the  Literary  Garland  and  the  Romanticists 
of  Ontario  was  the  most  distinguished  man  of  letters  in 
Upper  Canada  —  John  Richardson  (1796-185 2),  whose 
name  is  linked  with  the  Scotch,  French,  and  Loyalist  ele- 
ments of  Canadian  society.  When  Colonel  John  Graves 
Simcoe  was  appointed  Governor  of  Upper  Canada,  a  regi- 
ment to  support  his  authority  was  recruited  in  Scotland  and 
the  Maritime  Provinces.  Among  the  officers  of  the  Queen's 
Rangers,  so-called  after  the  Loyalist  corps  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, was  a  young  Scotchman,  Robert  Richardson,  a  mem- 
ber of  an  Annandale  family  that  had  squandered  its  fortunes 
for  the  last  of  the  Stuarts.  By  a  curious  turn  of  fate  the 
Canadienne  whom  he  married  was  also  descended  from  a 
house  which  had  supported  the  Lost  Cause.  After  the 
revolt  under  John  Erskine,  Earl  of  Mar,  in  favor  of  the  Old 
Pretender,  one  of  his  kinsmen  who  had  been  engaged  in  the 
rebellion  fled  to  Strabane,  in  the  county  of  Tyrone,  Ireland, 
where  he  concealed  his  identity  under  the  name  of  Askin. 
His  son  John,  who  emigrated  to  America  before  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  became  a  merchant  at  Albany  and  the  reliever 
of  Detroit  when  invested  by  Pontiac.  For  his  success  in 
provisioning  the  garrison  he  was  rewarded  by  large  grants 
in  the  Western  District.  Removing  to  Detroit,  he  became 
its  most  prominent  citizen  —  a  member  of  the  Land  Board, 
a  magistrate,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  Division.  After 
the  evacuation  of  the  town  by  the  British  forces  in  1796,  and 
the  confiscation  of  his  estates,  he  moved  across  the  Detroit 
River  to  the  home  which  is  still  known  as  Strabane.    Long 

125 


126  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

before,  when  a  rising  trader  on  the  Frontier,  he  had  married 
the  daughter  of  an  aristocratic  French  family;  and  their 
child  Madeleine,  educated  at  La  Congregation  de  Notre 
Dame,  the  chief  educational  institution  of  Lower  Canada, 
now  became  the  wife  of  Robert  Richardson  and  the  mother 
of  the  first  Ontario  novelist. 

Born  in  the  same  year  as  Haliburton,  the  latter's  associa- 
tions and  ideals  were  not  unlike  those  of  the  Nova  Scotia 
humorist.  Though  his  father  was  transferred  to  York  and 
then  to  Fort  St.  Joseph,  his  mother  remained  at  Queenston, 
which  had  been  founded  by  Butler's  Rangers,  until  her  hus- 
band was  appointed  surgeon  to  the  garrison  of  Fort  Am- 
herstburg,  where  he  became  Judge  of  the  District  Court. 
Within  sight  of  the  city  where  his  grandfather  had  com- 
manded the  British  troops  his  son  John  spent  his  boyhood. 
By  his  mother  he  was  taught  French,  which  he  used  with  the 
fluency  of  English,  and  the  high,  if  somewhat  quixotic,  code 
of  honor  which  was  one  of  his  salient  characteristics.  To  the 
oversight  of  his  father  he  owed  the  perseverance  in  adver- 
sity which  he  displayed  in  manhood.  Great  as  his  indebted- 
ness to  his  parents  undoubtedly  was,  it  was  surpassed  by 
that  to  Strabane.  From  his  grandfather  he  heard  many  a 
tale  of  the  Border,  and  from  his  grandmother,  whose  skill  in 
narrative  was  long  remembered,  many  a  story  of  Detroit 
and  Michilimackinac.  Already  her  grandson  had  begun  to 
dream  of  a  novel  in  which  the  solitary  figure  of  Pontiac, 
whose  braves  she  had  seen  around  the  palisades  of  Detroit, 
would  stalk  through  the  pages  with  war  paint  and  toma- 
hawk. Fascinating  indeed  was  the  life  which  Richardson 
enjoyed.  In  that  day  Amherstburg  glittered  with  scarlet 
uniforms.  Fur  traders  —  French-Canadian  voyageurs  and 
half-breeds --with  their  toques  and  sashes  swept  out  from 
the  Great  Lakes  with  cargoes  for  London  and  Paris.  On 
treaty  days  long  lines  of  canoes  filled  with  painted  warriors 
moved  with  silent  precision  to  the  ancient  camping  grounds 
of  their  race.    In  the  celebrations  which  followed  the  pay- 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  1 27 

ment  of  bounties  Richardson  probably  found  many  hints 
which  he  afterwards  elaborated  in  Wacousta.  The  busy 
seething  existence  of  the  Frontier  with  its  incident  and  color 
was  more  attractive  to  him  than  Virgil  or  Ovid.  It  is  easy 
to  believe  him  when  he  says  that  he  almost  welcomed  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  which  permitted  him  to  substitute  a 
musket  for  a  pen. 

When  only  fifteen  years  of  age  he  entered  the  ranks  of  the 
Forty-first  Regiment  as  a  gentleman  volunteer.  Until 
captured  at  the  battle  of  Moraviantown,  in  1813,  he  took 
part  in  every  engagement  in  which  it  participated.  At  the 
close  of  the  war,  when  all  available  troops  were  required  in 
Europe,  he  sailed  from  Quebec  as  lieutenant  in  the  Eighth 
Regiment  to  reenforce  the  army  in  Flanders.  Before  the 
transport  reached  England,  Waterloo  had  been  fought,  and 
orders  rescinded.  As  the  Eighth  was  immediately  dis- 
banded, he  was  transferred  to  the  Second  Regiment,  which 
he  accompanied  to  Barbadoes.  Invalided  home,  he  was 
gazetted  to  the  Ninety-second  Highlanders,  and  placed  on 
half  pay. 

During  the  next  fifteen  years  in  London  and  Paris,  where 
he  seems  to  have  enjoyed  all  the  gaieties  of  the  French  capi- 
tal, he  began  his  career  as  a  man  of  letters.  Some  time  be- 
fore March,  1825,  he  published  Tecumseh,  a  narrative  poem 
in  four  cantos.  Though  Indian  subjects  under  the  stimulus 
of  Cooper's  success  were  becoming  popular  in  Canadian 
poetry,  it  is  probable  that  Richardson's  material  is  due  to 
the  noble  warrior  whom  he  describes  so  graphically  in  his 
War  of  181 2.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  poem  is  valuable  evi- 
dence of  his  interest  in  the  sources  which  he  employed  in  the 
novels  on  which  his  fame  depends.  His  eyes  were  already 
turned  towards  the  Western  Frontier.  The  restriction  of 
the  ottava  rima,  shaped  as  usual  at  this  time  by  the  method 
of  Byron,  doubtless  showed  him  also  that  he  required  an- 
other medium  of  expression.  Henceforth  at  any  rate  he 
abandoned  verse  for  prose. 


128  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Though  his  masterpiece,  Waconsta,  was  already  taking 
shape,  his  next  venture,  Ecarte  (1829),  shows  how  uncertain 
was  his  hand.  It  is  the  work  of  a  man  who  had  already  seen 
much  of  life,  who  had  a  keen  appreciation  of  popular  taste, 
but  who  had  not  yet  achieved  singleness  of  purpose  or 
mastery  of  form.  Like  all  Richardson's  novels,  it  is  largely 
the  result  of  experience.  His  claim  of  verisimilitude  is  based 
on  an  intimate  knowledge  of  fact.  He  himself  appears  in  the 
exploits  of  Clifford  Delmaine,  the  hero,  in  the  adventures  of 
his  friend  Dormer,  and  in  many  of  the  minor  incidents. 
Back  of  most  episodes  is  a  satiric  purpose  which  it  is  un- 
necessary to  disentangle.  The  characterization  is  typical,  in 
many  ways,  of  Richardson's  more  mature  work.  All  the 
respectable  people  are  colorless.  Only  the  disreputable 
personages  like  De  Forsac,  who  seeks  to  ruin  Delmaine 
through  the  blandishments  of  his  mistress,  Adeleine  Dor- 
jeville,  and  thus  win  the  hand  of  the  heroine,  Helen  Stanley, 
excite  curiosity.  The  attempt  to  portray  Clifford  as  a  gen- 
erous, impulsive  young  gentleman  easily  seduced  by  flattery 
is  not  altogether  successful.  The  minor  characters,  even 
the  Irish  captain  with  his  "  marking  irons,"  are  often 
mechanical.  With  his  "females"  —  always  his  greatest 
weakness  —  Richardson  is  most  ineffective:  when  not 
insipid  they  are  inevitably  ardent  and  voluptuous.  His 
strength  lies  in  his  descriptive  power.  The  scenes  in  Ma- 
dame Dorjeville's  house,  in  the  prison  of  Saint  Pelagie,  and 
at  Peter  Godet's  possess  all  the  realistic  sordidness  of  Oliver 
Twist.  The  salons,  likewise,  with  their  color  and  music,  are 
brilliantly  visualized.  As  a  panorama  of  life  among  English 
officers  in  Paris,  Ecarte  has  much  to  commend  it. 

As  a  narrative  it  has  little.  Dormer's  tale  of  captivity 
during  the  War  of  181 2  clogs  the  story  when  it  has  just 
started.  Many  incidents  are  altogether  extraneous.  Like 
most  amateurs  Richardson  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to 
overwork  his  material.  Yet,  in  spite  of  these  flaws,  the 
novel  gathers  power  as  it  proceeds.     The  scene  in  which 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  1 29 

Clifford,  returning  at  night  from  the  salon,  discovers  De 
Forsac  with  the  protesting  Adeleine  in  his  arms,  is  developed 
with  considerable  skill.  If  the  denouement  were  as  success- 
ful, Ecarte  would  still  be  read.  Of  all  chapters  the  conclu- 
sion is  most  unsatisfactory.  After  the  characters  are  ac- 
counted for  a  reader  lays  down  the  novel  with  a  strange 
sense  of  bafflement. 

As  yet  the  author  had  not  found  himself.  Ecarte  is  a 
curious  jumble  of  Richardson,  Byron,  and  Lytton.  To  the 
last,  a  barometer  of  public  taste,  he  was  evidently  indebted 
for  his  Parisian  background  and  principal  character.  No 
one  can  read  Falkland  and  Pelham,  which  was  issued  in  the 
preceding  year,  without  recognizing  Richardson's  efforts  to 
gratify  the  appetite  for  social  studies.  Like  many  novels 
long  since  forgotten,  Ecarte  anticipates  the  realism  of  Dickens 
and  Thackeray. 

Though  Richardson,  with  the  quick  eye  of  a  trained  jour- 
nalist, planned  to  take  advantage  of  the  prevalent  mood, 
any  possibility  of  success  was  destroyed  by  one  of  the  lit- 
erary squabbles  of  the  time.  Because  of  a  disagreement 
with  Colburn,  Jerdan,  the  most  influential  writer  on  the 
Literary  Gazette,  swore  to  attack  the  next  book  he  should 
publish.  By  ill  luck  this  happened  to  be  Ecarte.  In  his 
review,  therefore,  he  described  it  as  "  unfit  to  be  seen  beyond 
the  precints  of  the  stews."  While  other  critics  were  more 
lenient,  the  novel  never  acquired  any  popularity  in  Great 
Britain.  In  the  United  States,  where  it  appeared  in  the 
editions  of  185 1  and  1888,  it  seems  to  have  met  with  general 
approval.  Though  it  may  bea"  very  brilliant  novel,"  in 
the  words  of  the  International  Monthly,  it  is  far  from  great. 

At  best  it  is  a  study  in  which  its  author  was  feeling  his  way 
towards  Wacousta  (1832),  which  remains  the  most  signal 
manifestation  of  his  genius.  Here  everything  contributed 
to  success.  Richardson  had  reached  the  prime  of  life;  he 
had  seen  much;  he  had  served  a  long  apprenticeship.  In  the 
story  of  Pontiac,  which  had  been  revolving  in  his  mind  since 


130  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

boyhood,  he  had  the  advantage  of  familiarity  and  perspec- 
tive. As  a  result,  there  is  accuracy  of  detail  and  play  of 
imagination.  Though  incredible  in  one  or  two  particulars, 
the  plot  is  well  developed.  With  the  Conspiracy  and  the 
attacks  on  Michilimackinac  and  Detroit  are  linked  the  per- 
sonal fortunes  of  Colonel  de  Haldimar  and  Wacousta,  the 
Warrior  of  the  Fleur  de  Lis.  When  subalterns  in  the  same 
regiment,  Wacousta  —  Reginald  Morton  in  the  civilized 
world  —  had  been  cheated  of  his  bride  by  De  Haldimar.  In 
his  rage  against  the  uniform  which  condoned  the  treachery 
he  joined  the  Pretender's  forces,  and  later  entered  a  French 
corps  at  Quebec.  Devoting  his  energy  to  revenge  against 
his  former  comrade,  he  acquired  the  status  of  an  Indian 
chief.  As  a  leader  he  excelled  in  cunning,  strength,  and 
cruelty.  His  huge  stature,  looming  ominously  through  the 
pages,  gives  the  romance  the  unity  which  is  one  of  its  chief 
merits.  By  this  time  also  Richardson  had  learned  the  mean- 
ing of  suspense.  Interest  never  flags.  The  narrative  rushes 
along  with  incredible  swiftness.  Incident  follows  incident 
in  rapid  succession.  In  martial  passages  Richardson  is  at 
his  best.  In  many  respects  he  stands  unrivalled  among 
English  writers  as  a  painter  of  the  pomp  and  circumstance 
of  war.  The  fight  at  the  bombproof,  the  night  scene  on  the 
parade,  with  Frank  Halloway  in  chains  and  the  torches 
flaring  in  the  blackness,  the  execution,  and  the  interview 
between  Pontiac  and  De  Haldimar  —  the  keystone  of  the 
tale  --  are  altogether  admirable.  The  chief  weaknesses  are 
the  artificiality  of  the  dialogue,  which  is  often  stilted,  and 
the  tendency  towards  melodrama,  which  is  one  of  the  au- 
thor's besetting  sins.  Fortunately  for  his  fame,  his  material 
seldom  countenances  either  of  the  flaws  which  detract  from 
his  later  work.  His  familiarity  with  Indian  customs  and 
modes  of  thought  leads  him  to  avoid  many  of  the  pitfalls  of 
Ecarti.    Wacousta  deserves  the  position  it  has  secured. 

On  its  publication  in  London  it  was  accorded  a  flattering 
reception.    The  author  was  at  once  recognized  as  a  power- 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  131 

ful  rival  of  Cooper,  whose  reputation  was  then  at  its  zenith. 
The  review  in  the  Athenaeum,  which  may  be  cited  as  typical 
of  English  comment,  emphasizes  his  graphic  skill  and  his 
maintenance  of  suspense.  The  subsequent  vogue  of  the 
novel  indicates  its  appeal  to  the  general  reader.  In  Phila- 
delphia, where  it  was  issued  in  the  following  year,  the  tri- 
umph was  repeated.  Richardson  was  recognized  as  one  of 
the  "  masters  of  romantic  fiction."  In  criticism  after  its 
republication  in  1851  and  1888  he  is  still  acknowledged  to  be 
a  brilliant  delineator  of  Indian  life.  The  chief  offenses  laid 
to  his  account  in  England  and  the  United  States  —  for  there 
were  few  who  did  not  admit  his  power  —  are  largely  mat- 
ters of  detail.  To  those  who  attacked  his  inaccuracy  in 
representing  the  St.  Clair  as  a  short  distance  from  Michili- 
mackinac,  and  the  river  itself  as  a  narrow  stream  covered 
with  branches,  he  pleads,  in  one  of  his  prefaces,  the  dis- 
pensation of  his  art.  The  plausibility  of  incidents  like 
Wacousta's  feat  on  the  flagstaff  he  defends  on  the  ground  of 
experience.  Though  the  novel  was  published  serially  in  the 
Montreal  Transcript,  with  which  Fleet  was  connected,  and 
in  book  form  in  the  same  city  in  1868,  few  Canadian  studies 
are  to  be  expected.  Until  recent  years  Richardson's  name, 
which  stood  at  the  pinnacle  of  fame  in  the  days  of  the  Gar- 
land, has  been  almost  unknown  among  his  countrymen,  for 
whom  he  sacrificed  his  career.  Since  his  romances,  with 
their  pictures  of  life  on  the  Western  Frontier,  have  again  be- 
gun to  attract  attention,  they  can  no  longer  be  accused  of 
neglect.  Much  valuable  research  has  already  been  ac- 
complished. 

Though  a  great  deal  of  archaeological  information  has 
been  unearthed,  no  adequate  estimate  of  Richardson's  place 
in  the  development  of  Canadian  literature  has  been  essayed. 
His  first  preface  to  Wacousla  has  probably  led  to  confusion. 
With  characteristic  generosity  he  confesses  that  he  has 
"  stolen  "  the  subject  from  Cooper.  This  candid  avowal 
resulted  in  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  early  writers  like  Sir 


132  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

John  Bourinot  to  regard  Wacousta  as  a  mere  imitation. 
Later  criticism  based  on  more  careful  analysis  has  swung 
in  the  opposite  direction.  Nevertheless,  though  the  ro- 
mance is  built  on  the  early  stories  of  Detroit  which  so  im- 
pressed the  young  Canadian  lad  whose  grandfather  figures 
in  the  narrative,  and  though  the  tale  might  have  been 
written  without  the  stimulus  of  The  Last  of  the  Mohicans, 
Richardson  was  undoubtedly  influenced  by  Cooper's  suc- 
cess. With  the  journalistic  sense  which  he  had  shown  in 
Ecarte  he  was  quick  to  recognize  the  possibilities  in  the  story 
of  Pontiac.  That  Cooper,  who  had  the  bitter  verbal  conflict 
which  reverberated  back  and  forth  across  the  Border  after 
the  publication  of  the  Inquiry,  appears  as  the  godfather  of 
Canadian  fiction  is  a  happy  instance  of  the  power  of  art  to 
transcend  the  barriers  of  national  prejudice. 

Though  safely  launched  on  the  current  created  by  Cooper, 
who  followed  in  the  wake  of  Scott,  his  restless  spirit  pro- 
hibited Richardson  from  continuing  his  success.  In  1834 
he  accepted  a  captaincy  in  the  British  Auxiliary  Legion,  a 
force  recruited  in  England  by  the  Spanish  Ambassador  to 
assist  the  Queen  Regent,  Christina.  As  senior  captain  of  the 
Sixth  Grenadiers,  to  which  he  had  been  appointed  after  his 
recovery  from  typhus,  he  led  his  company  at  the  battle  of 
San  Sebastian.  On  returning  to  England,  he  found  that  his 
name  had  not  appeared  in  the  list  of  honors.  To  his  Move- 
ments of  the  British  Legion  (1836),  which  he  had  ready  for  the 
press,  he  accordingly  added  a  preface  accusing  his  com- 
mander, Lieutenant  General  De  Lacy  Evans,  of  nepotism 
in  his  staff  appointments.  Hastening  back  to  Spain,  he  was 
exonerated  from  the  charges  brought  against  him,  and  as 
major  in  the  Fourth  Fusiliers  commanded  the  regiment  at 
the  Heights  of  Passage.  Shortly  afterwards  he  left  Spain 
and  returned  to  England,  where  a  second  edition  of  his 
Movements  precipitated  discussion  regarding  the  propriety 
of  the  expedition.    In  the  subsequent  debate  in  the  House 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  133 

of  Commons,  where  his  part  in  the  operations  was  attacked, 
his  conduct  was  amply  vindicated. 

Throughout  the  Spanish  campaigns  his  eyes  had  been 
fixed  on  Canada,  where  blood  had  already  been  shed.  As 
all  news  received  in  England  came  through  the  United 
States,  the  Times  decided  to  send  a  correspondent  to  inves- 
tigate conditions  in  the  American  Provinces.  Since  Richard- 
son's articles  on  the  West  had  already  given  him  rank  as  the 
leading  colonial  journalist,  and  since  his  views  were  pa- 
tently conservative,  it  was  natural  that  he  should  be  se- 
lected. Because  of  his  desire  to  return  he  accepted  the  offer 
with  alacrity.  After  a  brief  sojourn  in  New  York,  where  he 
was  introduced  to  the  literary  coteries  of  the  metropolis,  he 
travelled  across  the  state  to  his  birthplace  at  Queenston. 
From  there  he  went  to  Quebec,  where  he  met  Lord  Dur- 
ham, who  received  him  with  the  utmost  frankness.  As  a 
result  of  this  interview,  in  which  each  was  impressed  by  the 
force  and  honesty  of  the  other,  Richardson  determined  to 
advocate  the  cause  of  popular  government.  While  closely 
connected  by  birth  and  profession  with  the  ruling  classes,  he 
had  been  absent  from  Canada  long  enough  to  view  condi- 
tions with  impartiality.  It  is  characteristic  of  his  code  of 
honor  that  he  did  not  allow  selfish  considerations  to  in- 
fluence his  actions.  He  was  well  aware  that  his  two  letters 
signed  "  Inquisitor  "  would  lead  to  dismissal  by  the  Times, 
from  which  he  was  receiving  a  substantial  salary.  Though 
the  loss  of  his  income  was  a  heavy  blow,  he  began  his  career 
in  Canada  with  high  hopes.  At  Amherstburg,  where  he  had 
lived  as  a  boy,  he  took  up  his  residence. 

Keenly  sensitive  to  the  demands  of  his  audience,  he  at 
once  associated  himself  with  the  Literary  Garland,  in  which 
his  name  often  occurs.  To  it  he  contributed  "  Jeremiah 
Desborough  "  and  "  The  Settler;  or  the  Prophecy  Ful- 
filled," two  sketches  which  he  utilized  in  The  Canadian 
Brothers  (1840).    In  many  respects  this  is  the  most  signifi- 


134  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

cant  of  his  romances.    In  response  to  the  persistent  demand 
for  Canadian  subjects  as  essential  to  a  national  literature  he 
turned  for  his  material  to  the  War  of  1812,  which  had  al- 
ready assumed  epic  proportions.     With  customary  shrewd- 
ness the  incidents  of  the  unequal  struggle  —  those  in  which 
Canadians  take  the  greatest  pride  —  are  linked  with  the 
curse  of  Ellen  Halloway,  the  wife  of  the  soldier  executed  by 
De  Haldimar.    The  Canadian  Brothers  is  thus  a  sequel  to 
Wacousta.     As  usual,  Richardson  depends  largely  on  ex- 
perience.   From  Amherstburg,  the  home  of  his  boyhood,  the 
scene  shifts  to  Kentucky,  where  he  was  imprisoned,  and  then 
to  Queenston,  the  place  of  his  birth.    As  a  participant  in  the 
War,  he  was  familiar  with  many  actors  and  events  in  the 
bloody  drama.     Background,  character,  and  incident  were 
all  at  hand.    Brock,  Proctor,  and  Barclay  figure  in  the  nar- 
rative.    The    Indian    chiefs  —  Walk-in-the- Water,    Split- 
Log,  and  Round-Head  —  enter  in   their  war  paint.     The 
officers  of  Richardson's  regiment  appear  under  assumed 
names.    Gerald  and  Henry  Grantham,  the  heroes,  are  com- 
posites drawn  from  the  author,  his  brother,  and  a  couple  of 
comrades.     Anachronisms  are  anticipated  by  the  preface. 
Developments  which  did  not  occur  until  the  following  year 
are  placed  before  the  capture  of  Detroit;    the  battle  of 
Queenston  Heights  is  delayed  until  the  thirteenth  of  Octo- 
ber, 1 8 13.    In  marshalling  his  facts  Richardson  shows  con- 
siderable sense  of  structure.    Every  episode  from  the  fall  of 
Detroit,  with  which  the  story  opens,  to  the  culminating 
victory  near  his  native  village  is  suited  in  some  measure  to 
its  purpose.    Selection  and  arrangement  are  often  excellent. 
In  many  ways  also  the  connection  with  Wacousta  is  to  be 
commended.      Desborough,    the    son    of    the    unfortunate 
Ellen  Halloway  by  her  ravisher,  the  Warrior  of  the  Fleur  de 
Lis,  and  his  daughter  Matilda  are  the  instruments  through 
which  the  two  Granthams,  who  inherit  the  curse  against  the 
De  Haldimars,  are  destroyed.    Though  the  mystification  is 
complete,  and  though  the  suspense  is  sustained  until  the 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  1 35 

final  catastrophe  when  Desborough  springs  over  the  Heights 
with  the  unfortunate  Henry  in  his  arms,  the  romance  suffers, 
like  every  sequel,  from  the  effort  to  maintain  a  previous 
standard.  Many  passages  are  too  melodramatic  to  be 
effective.  The  treatment  of  Matilda  Montgomery,  who 
decoys  Gerald,  is  open  to  this  criticism.  In  the  case  of 
Matilda's  father,  who  is  obviously  a  means  to  an  end,  the 
artificiality  is  even  more  noticeable.  The  chief  interest  lies 
in  the  panoroma  which  is  flashed  before  the  eyes  —  the 
gatherings  of  the  French-Canadians  and  the  skirmishes  at 
Detroit. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  its  coloring,  the  verve  of  Wacousta  —  its 
dash  and  its  vigor  —  is  wanting.  Undoubtedly  the  dif- 
ference between  the  Amherstburg  of  his  youth  and  that  of 
his  manhood  had  a  depressing  effect  on  Richardson's  spirits. 
The  brightness  of  a  garrison  town  with  the  scarlet  coats  of 
the  soldiers,  the  toques  of  the  half-breeds,  and  the  feathers 
of  the  Indians,  had  been  succeeded  by  the  drab  uniformity 
of  a  small  provincial  village.  In  passionate  regret  Richard- 
son exclaims:  "  How  often  have  we  ourselves  in  joyous  boy- 
hood lingered  amid  the  beautiful  haunts,  drinking  in  the 
fascinating  song  of  this  strange  night  bird  [the  whippoor- 
will]  and  revelling  in  a  feeling  we  were  too  young  to  analyze, 
yet  cherished  deeply.  Yea,  frequently  up  to  this  hour  do  we 
in  our  dreams  revisit  scenes  no  parallel  to  which  has  met  our 
view  even  in  the  course  of  a  long  life  spent  in  many  climes; 
and,  on  awakening,  our  first  emotion  is  regret  that  the  il- 
lusion is  no  more."  Notwithstanding  its  flaws,  obvious  as 
they  are,  The  Canadian  Brothers  is  one  of  the  most  significant 
books  of  its  time.  As  an  early  attempt  to  give  expression  to 
the  spirit  of  nationality  it  has  a  definite  place  in  Canadian 
literature.  Nothing  can  be  more  characteristic  of  the  gen- 
eral mood  and  of  the  author  himself  than  the  reply  to  Cap- 
tain Molineux's  aspersions  on  the  ability  of  Canadians: 
"  I  too,"  remarks  Henry  Grantham  in  words  that  Richard- 
son had  doubtless  used  on  many  occasions,  "  I  too  am  a 


136  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Canadian,  but  far  from  endeavoring  to  repudiate  my  Ameri- 
can birth  I  feel  pride  in  having  received  my  being  in  a  land 
where  everything  attests  the  sublimity  and  magnificence 
of  Nature." 

Though  Richardson's  romances  were  as  popular  in  Canada 
as  any  books  of  his  day,  the  audience  was  too  limited  to  se- 
cure him  a  competence.  Recognizing  the  impossibility  of 
supporting  himself  by  the  novels  which  he  had  planned,  he 
again  turned  to  journalism.  In  1840  he  removed  to  Brock- 
ville,  where  he  bought  a  small  estate,  and  established  the 
New  Era;  or  Canadian  Chronicle,  a  weekly  without  adver- 
tisements or  local  news.  In  it  he  published  his  Jack  Brag  in 
Spain,  his  Recollections  of  the  West  Indies,  and  his  War  of 
1812.  While  the  Era,  written  almost  entirely  by  its  owner, 
had  many  commendable  features,  it  lacked  variety  and 
force.  The  contrast  between  the  brightness  of  his  early  life 
and  the  humdrum  of  his  present  struggle  for  bread  told 
heavily  on  his  prose.  The  Chronicle,  discontinued  in  1842, 
was  followed  in  the  next  year  by  the  Canadian  Loyalist  and 
Spirit  of  18 12,  which  died  in  1844.  For  a  few  years  Richard- 
son strove  manfully  to  make  a  living  among  the  people 
whom  he  loved.  In  1838  he  published  his  Personal  Me- 
moirs. A  grant  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  for  his 
narrative  of  the  war  relieved  him  temporarily  from  want. 
After  the  failure  of  the  Loyalist  also  he  was  appointed  Super- 
intendent of  Police  on  the  Welland  Canal.  Unhappily,  this 
position  lasted  for  only  a  few  months;  and  once  more  he  was 
forced  to  rely  on  the  good  will  of  the  reading  public.  In 
1847,  therefore,  he  issued  his  Eight  Years  in  Canada,  a  polit- 
ical review,  and  next  year  a  sequel,  The  Guards  in  Canada, 
an  echo  of  one  of  the  numerous  affairs  of  honor  in  which  he 
was  engaged.  The  small  response  to  these  ventures  showed 
that  he  could  not  hope  for  adequate  financial  reward  in  the 
Dominion.  As  his  wife,  who  had  accompanied  him  across 
the  Atlantic,  was  dead,  and  as  many  of  his  old  comrades  had 
been  estranged  by  his  advocacy  of  liberal  principles,  there 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  13  7 

was  little  to  bind  him  to  Brockville.    Reluctantly,  therefore, 
but  without  bitterness,  he  again  abandoned  his  native  land. 

Disheartened,  but  still  resolute,  he  set  out  to  New  York, 
where  he  tried  in  vain  to  adapt  his  tales  to  a  new  audience. 
In  1850  he  issued  Hardscrabble;  or  the  Fall  of  Chicago,  an 
Indian  story  which  he  intended  as  the  first  of  a  trilogy  in  the 
manner  of  Dumas.  Like  The  Canadian  Brothers,  the  series 
was  to  be  linked  with  the  War  of  181 2.  The  facts  regarding 
the  massacre  at  Hardscrabble,  which  Richardson  may  have 
obtained  from  a  pamphlet  published  in  1844,  are  treated 
with  customary  freedom.  Most  of  those  concerned  retain 
their  identity  under  different  names.  To  a  couple  of  them, 
Mrs.  Heald  and  Mrs.  Helm,  whom  he  met  after  the  capture 
of  Detroit,  he  was  indebted  for  the  details  of  the  retreat  from 
Fort  Dearborn,  which  he  utilized  in  a  sequel,  Waunangee 
(1852).  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  both  romances  are 
based  on  first-hand  information.  The  only  fictitious  per- 
sonage is  the  heroine,  Maria  Heywood,  whose  fortunes  are 
linked  with  those  of  the  young  Pottowatomie  who  gives  the 
book  its  title.  Although  he  is  a  striking  figure,  the  interest, 
as  always,  is  in  the  graphic  descriptions  of  military  opera- 
tions. 

In  his  preface  to  Waunangee  Richardson  promised  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  series  if  the  reception  accorded  the  first  two 
volumes  warranted  the  venture.  As  he  died  in  the  same 
year,  this  promise  was  never  fulfilled.  In  his  brief  residence 
in  New  York,  however,  he  completed  two  other  romances: 
Westbrook;  or  the  Outlaw  (1852  ?),  another  story  of  the  War 
of  181 2,  and  The  Monk  Knight  of  St.  John,  a  Tale  of  the 
Crusaders,  a  narrative  in  which  he  was  evidently  seeking 
fresher  and  more  popular  material  to  tickle  the  palate  of  a 
public  for  whom  Indian  tales  were  beginning  to  lose  their 
savor.  With  pathetic  hope  he  likewise  began  the  revision 
of  his  earlier  work.  In  recasting  The  Canadian  Brothers 
he  eliminated  all  passages  likely  to  arouse  antagonism  in 
the  United  States.    All  references  to  Stoney  Creek  and  to 


138  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

the  unequal  forces  engaged  at  Queenston  Heights,  where  the 
York  Volunteers  made  their  famous  charge,  are  judiciously 
omitted.  Even  the  title  is  changed  to  Matilda  Montgomery; 
or  the  Prophecy  Fulfilled. 

Though  Richardson  carried  with  him  into  his  literary 
career  the  spirit  of  a  trained  journalist,  the  faculty  of  catch- 
ing the  whim  of  the  day,  there  was  no  compromise  in  his 
life.  Haughty,  exclusive,  and  pugnacious,  he  seldom  with- 
drew from  a  position  he  had  once  assumed.  His  French 
blood,  which  shows  in  the  contour  of  his  face,  always  gave  a 
picturesque  turn  to  his  actions.  With  his  pistols,  his  horses, 
and  his  pet  deer,  his  military  figure  illuminates  the  monot- 
onous background  of  early  Canadian  literature.  Drinking, 
quarrelling,  duelling,  he  never  forgot  his  pride.  Alone  in  a 
great  city,  with  his  faithful  dog  sold  for  food,  he  laid  down 
his  life  rather  than  reveal  his  poverty.  His  body  lies  in  an 
unknown  grave  in  New  York. 

Though  he  was  the  most  successful  novelist  to  deal  with 
Indian  material,  he  was  not  the  only  writer  to  come  under 
the  spell  of  Cooper.  Several  other  stories  of  the  Frontier 
are  to  be  found  among  the  seventy-five  tales  of  pretension 
written  before  the  Confederation.  None  of  these,  however, 
are  of  any  importance.  The  biographical  novels  growing  out 
of  the  experiences  of  English  immigrants  like  the  Stricklands 
may  be  dismissed  with  as  little  consideration.  Some  of  these 
like  Philip  Musgrave  (1842),  a  record  of  missionary  en- 
deavor by  Joseph  Abbott,  have  retained  a  simmering  popu- 
larity. Nevertheless,  as  they  represent  no  aesthetic  impulse, 
and  cannot  vie  with  Mrs.  Moodie's  Roughing  It  as  a  trans- 
scription  of  provincial  life,  they  may  well  be  forgotten. 

One  name  only  can  be  placed  beside  Richardson's.  Among 
the  writers  attracted  to  the  Literary  Garland  was  a  young 
Montreal  girl,  Rosanna  Eleanor  Mullins  (1832-79),  who 
afterwards  married  J.  Luke  Leprohon,  Vice  Consul  for 
Spain.  Under  its  stimulus  she  became  a  constant  con- 
tributor to  Pre-Confederation  periodicals.    From  her  resi- 


HISTORICAL  ROMANCE  1 39 

dence  in  Montreal  she  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  task  of 
re-creating  the  society  of  the  French  Regime  and  the  Oc- 
cupation. A  number  of  sketches  led  to  her  first  novel,  Ida 
Beresford  (1848),  a  remarkable  production  for  a  girl  of  six- 
teen, which  appeared  in  the  Garland.  To  it  she  was  evi- 
dently indebted  for  inspiration.  Her  work  is  the  direct  result 
of  the  nationalistic  movement  in  literature  for  which  it  is  re- 
membered. From  this  point  of  view  she  has  a  right  to  con- 
test Richardson's  primacy  as  the  first  Canadian  novelist. 
In  her  own  day  she  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of  a  distinct 
Canadian  School.  While  her  work,  unlike  Richardson's,  is 
practically  unknown  outside  of  Canada,  it  seems  to  have 
taken  a  permanent  place  in  the  literature  of  the  country. 
There  is  no  better  index  of  her  sympathy  and  taste  than  the 
fact  that  her  better  tales  like  The  Manor  House  of  De  Villerai 
(1859)  and  Antoinette  de  Mirecourt  (1864),  which  is  almost  a 
sequel,  have  been  as  popular  in  French  as  in  English. 

With  Richardson's  hers  is  the  only  name  among  the 
writers  of  prose  fiction  to  emerge  from  the  Pre-Confedera- 
tion  Period.  Both  represent  in  a  striking  manner  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  national  spirit.  As  yet  it  was  of  little  moment  in 
its  influence  on  Canadian  literature.  Still,  the  union  of  the 
diverse  and  antagonistic  elements  symbolized  by  the  Con- 
federation was  already  affecting  the  development  of  the 
novel.  To  Cooper,  Richardson  was  indebted  for  the  red- 
skin. From  Pontiac  it  was  a  short  step  to  Tecumseh;  from 
the  War  of  18 12  it  was  a  shorter  step  to  the  Conquest. 
Through  Mrs.  Leprohon,  Richardson,  Cooper,  and  Scott  the 
historical  romance  and  the  novel  in  Canada  reach  back  to 
the  fountainhead  of  English  fiction. 


CHAPTER  XII 

SCIENCE  AND  SCHOLARSHIP 

Nowhere  is  the  spirit  of  curiosity  which  followed  the  War  of 
1812  more  evident  than  in  the  realm  of  science,  and  nowhere 
is  it  better  exemplified  than  in  the  hundreds  of  monographs 
issued  through  the  societies  and  institutions  established 
during  the  Pre- Confederation  Period.  Although  this  curios- 
ity embraced  all  the  natural  sciences,  it  found  most  com- 
plete expression  in  the  geological  investigations  of  the 
provincial  surveys  and  McGill  University. 

To  Joseph  Bouchette  (1744-1841),  son  of  Commodore 
Bouchette  of  the  Provincial  Navy,  must  be  given  the  credit 
of  originating  the  movement  which  culminated  in  the  dis- 
coveries of  Sir  William  Logan  and  Sir  John  William  Dawson. 
On  becoming  Surveyor  General  of  Lower  Canada,  Bouchette 
undertook  a  systematic  examination  of  the  neighboring  dis- 
tricts. At  the  conclusion  of  the  War  of  181 2,  in  which  he 
served  as  Colonel  of  the  Quebec  Volunteers,  he  published,  in 
English  and  French,  A  Topographical  Description  of  the 
Province  of  Lower  Canada  (18 15),  which  even  the  North 
American  recognized  as  worthy  of  mention.  This  was  fol- 
lowed, in  183 1,  by  a  topographical  and  statistical  descrip- 
tion, The  British  Dominions  in  North  America.  Though  the 
inaccuracies  show  the  disadvantages  under  which  Bouchette 
labored,  the  fact  that  he  was  the  first  Canadian  to  enjoy  a 
European  reputation,  and  that  his  efforts  stimulated  others, 
gives  him  a  definite  place  in  the  history  of  Canadian  scholar- 
ship. 

His  surveys  were  augmented  by  Abraham  Gesner  (1797- 
1864),  who  may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  Canadian 
science,  a  title  usually  conferred  on  his  greater  contem- 


140 


SCIENCE  AND  SCHOLARSHIP  141 

porary,  Sir  William  Logan.  In  a  humble  way,  however,  the 
former  began  the  tradition  of  geological  research  which  has 
assumed  through  various  ramifications  a  preeminent  place 
in  the  intellectual  progress  of  the  Dominion.  Abraham 
Gesner,  born  at  Cornwallis,  the  first  writer  to  popularize  the 
rocks  and  fossils  of  his  native  land,  was  the  son  of  Colonel 
Abraham  Gesner,  a  native  of  New  York  who  served  in  the 
King's  Orange  Rangers,  and  removed  to  Nova  Scotia  at  the 
close  of  the  Revolution.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  a 
Connecticut  family  which  had  taken  up  some  of  the  Acadian 
lands  when  they  were  opened  for  settlement.  With  limited 
educational  opportunities,  Gesner  was  forced  to  rely  on  his 
own  initiative.  In  the  study  of  natural  history,  to  which  he 
was  attracted  in  boyhood,  he  visited  the  West  Indies  and 
the  coasts  of  South  America.  Determining  to  study  medi- 
cine, he  entered  St.  Bartholomew's  and  Guy's  in  London. 
On  his  return  to  Nova  Scotia,  in  1824,  he  began  practice  at 
Parrsboro,  and  at  once  resumed  his  interest  in  mineralogy. 

In  1836  he  published,  at  Halifax,  the  first  of  his  numerous 
books  and  reports  on  the  resources  of  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces —  Remarks  on  the  Geology  and  Mineralogy  of  Nova 
Scotia.  This  volume,  which  is  a  popular  summary  of  earlier 
discoveries,  augmented  by  additional  facts,  was  widely  cir- 
culated. Though  misleading  in  nomenclature,  it  directed 
attention  to  the  wealth  of  the  province.  Some  of  the  de- 
scriptions still  make  pleasant  reading.  Written,  as  the 
author  says,  "  amidst  the  arduous  duties  of  a  laborious  pro- 
fession, and  under  the  annoyance  of  perpetual  interruption 
...  or  during  the  silent  hours  of  midnight,  when  the  labor 
but  not  the  fatigue  of  the  day  had  departed,"  it  is  further 
evidence  of  the  desire  to  understand,  and  to  utilize,  the  assets 
of  the  land  which  the  Loyalists  were  beginning  to  consider 
their  own. 

During  the  next  six  years  Gesner  was  busied  with  the 
geological  survey  of  New  Brunswick,  which  was  interrupted 
by  a  tour  of  the  coal  fields  of  Cumberland  with  Sir  Charles 


142  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Lyell,  who  based  his  explorations  on  the  Remarks.  A  survey 
of  Prince  Edward  Island  was  followed  by  a  visit  to  Trinidad, 
to  analyze  the  bituminous  deposits,  and  by  several  excur- 
sions to  Newfoundland  and  Labrador.  Aside  from  reports 
of  progress  Gesner  contributed  to  various  scientific  journals. 
During  the  latter  years  of  his  life  his  investigations  became 
increasingly  utilitarian.  One  of  his  inventions  led  to  the 
principle  of  the  electric  motor,  but  he  is  now  remembered 
rather  by  his  developments  of  artificial  illuminants.  The 
name  "  kerosene  "  which  he  gave  to  the  oil  he  succeeded  in 
extracting  from  coal  and  shale  has  since  been  extended  to  all 
mineral  oils  used  for  illumination. 

Though  his  work  lacks  authority,  it  diverted  the  minds  of 
his  countrymen  from  the  animosities  of  politics  to  the  won- 
ders of  Nature  and  the  problems  of  existence.  His  primary 
aim,  however,  was  to  corroborate  the  theories  developed  by 
English  naturalists.  Incentive  came  from  Lyell  and  others, 
with  whom  he  maintained  an  uninterrupted  correspondence. 

Even  more  intimately  connected  with  the  scholarship  of 
Great  Britain  is  the  name  of  the  first  great  Canadian  scien- 
tist, Sir  William  Logan  (i 798-1 875),  whose  inquiries  shat- 
tered several  canons  of  the  old  geology.  Born  at  Montreal, 
of  Scotch-Loyalist  parentage,  he  received  his  early  education 
in  his  native  city.  After  several  years  in  the  University  of 
Edinburgh,  to  which  many  Canadians  then  turned,  he  was 
graduated  in  181 7.  Entering  the  countinghouse  of  his 
uncle  in  London,  he  studied  in  his  spare  evenings  under 
Robert  Burns,  the  son  of  the  poet. 

In  course  of  time  he  became  manager  of  a  copper  smelting 
plant  at  Swansea,  South  Wales,  where  he  made  occasion  to 
pursue  his  hobby.  So  accurate  were  his  maps  that  they 
were  adopted  without  modification  by  Sir  Henry  de  la 
Beche.  Expeditions  to  France  and  to  Spain  extended  his 
knowledge,  and  helped  him  to  refute  the  drift  theory  of  the 
origin  of  coal  and  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  stratum  of 
clay  beneath  the  beds  is  the  source  of  vegetation. 


SCIENCE  AND  SCHOLARSHIP  1 43 

Returning  to  Canada,  he  examined  the  coal  fields  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Nova  Scotia,  where  he  found  his  deduc- 
tions regarding  underclays  everywhere  confirmed.  In  1842 
he  refused  a  lucrative  offer  from  the  Government  of  India  in 
order  to  become  head  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  Canada,  of 
which  he  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder.  Henceforth  his 
life  was  devoted  to  the  tasks  of  his  position.  Alone  with  an 
Indian  canoeman  or  a  single  assistant,  he  surveyed  over  a 
hundred  thousand  square  miles  in  Eastern  Canada.  Since 
he  was  usually  without  maps,  the  labor  involved  was  stu- 
pendous. In  spite  of  difficulties  which  would  have  daunted 
the  average  student  he  established  several  facts  which 
caused  a  reconstruction  of  accepted  theories  regarding  the 
formations  of  Northeastern  America.  In  Lower  Canada  he 
showed  that  the  rocks  which  had  been  regarded  as  antedating 
life  are,  in  reality,  crystallized  stratifications  belonging  to  the 
first  great  geological  period.  He  showed  also  that  the  rocks 
of  the  Laurentian  and  Adirondack  mountains,  which  were 
held  to  be  unstratified,  are  due  to  sedimentary  deposits. 
The  manner  in  which  he  traced  the  development  of  these 
formations  is  considered  the  most  brilliant  of  his  feats. 

His  reports  of  progress,  issued  from  year  to  year,  were 
supplemented,  in  1863,  by  his  monumental  work,  Geology 
of  Canada,  which  he  completed  with  the  aid  of  his  assistants. 
It  at  once  created  a  furore  in  Great  Britain,  where  the  re- 
sults of  his  investigations  had  been  utilized  by  Lyell,  Dar- 
win, and  others  in  the  scientific  and  religious  controversies  of 
the  time.  Unfortunately  the  style,  though  crisp  and  lu- 
minous, gives  no  hint  of  the  stores  of  knowledge  which  he 
had  accumulated  by  years  of  application.  While  he  could 
analyze  the  most  complicated  formations,  he  found  it  in- 
creasingly difficult  to  formulate  his  ideas.  Like  his  contribu- 
tions to  scientific  journals  the  Geology,  though  accurately 
phrased,  is  lacking  in  flexibility.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of 
this  drawback,  it  conferred  on  Logan  and  on  Canada,  as  the 
Quarterly  Review  remarked,  "  a  world-wide  fame." 


144  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Meanwhile  other  honors  had  come  to  its  author;  but  not- 
withstanding temptations  to  desert  his  duties  he  remained 
at  the  head  of  the  Survey  until  1870,  when  he  was  well  be- 
yond the  allotted  threescore  and  ten.  While  he  continued 
to  gather  material  for  his  special  ends,  he  took  no  part  in  the 
debates  which  his  conclusions  accelerated.  Nevertheless,  in 
his  native  land  he  supported  every  effort  to  promote  the 
intellectual  welfare  of  its  people.  As  first  president  of  the 
Canadian  Institute  he  did  much  to  direct  scientific  curiosity 
into  profitable  channels.  It  is  therefore  fitting  that  his  name 
should  be  linked  with  the  great  university  which  is  heir  to 
the  tradition  which  he  established.  A  few  years  before  his 
death  he  founded  the  Logan  Chair  of  Geology  at  McGill 
University. 

The  work  of  Bouchette,  of  Gesner,  and  of  Logan  —  the 
task  of  mapping  a  new  country,  of  studying  its  structure  in 
the  spare  hours  of  an  arduous  profession,  and  of  accumulat- 
ing and  analyzing  data  with  the  nice  discrimination  of  a 
great  scientist  —  all  of  which,  like  the  histories  to  which  I 
have  referred,  is  indicative  of  national  youth  and  inexperi- 
ence—  was  further  advanced  by  Sir  John  William  Dawson 
(1820-99),  whose  life  connects  the  Pre-Confederation  Period 
with  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  After  the 
discovery  of  the  Eozobn  Canadense  by  Sir  William  Logan, 
Dawson's  monograph  on  the  subject  caused  a  prolonged 
discussion  in  Great  Britain  and  Germany  which  led  to  the 
theory,  now  discarded,  that  it  is  a  fossil  organism.  Before 
the  publication  of  this  brochure  he  had  already  attained  a 
distinguished  position  among  Canadian  naturalists. 

Like  Sir  William,  he  came  of  Scotch  parentage.  His 
father,  the  leading  bookseller  of  Pictou,  Nova  Scotia,  and  his 
mother  were  both  from  Aberdeenshire.  To  them  he  owed 
the  powerful  constitution,  the  calm  temperament,  and  the 
noble  aspiration  that  make  his  memory  sacred  to  those  who 
knew  him.  To  the  little  Presbyterian  College  in  his  birth- 
place, whose  claims  had  been  championed  by  Haliburton,  he 


SCIENCE  AND  SCHOLARSHIP  145 

was  indebted  for  the  greater  part  of  his  education.  Though 
it  was  supplemented  by  a  couple  of  winters  at  Edinburgh, 
the  Mecca  of  early  days,  it  must  be  given  much  of  the  credit 
for  his  achievements.  To  the  curiosity  of  the  period  in 
general  and  to  Gesner  in  particular  he  owed  his  bent  towards 
the  sciences.  His  devotion  to  geology,  like  that  of  Gesner 
and  Logan,  was  also  deepened  by  the  visit  of  Sir  Charles 
Lyell,  whom  he  accompanied  on  various  expeditions. 

While  superintendent  of  schools  in  Nova  Scotia  he  began 
his  literary  career  by  the  publication  of  several  popular 
works  on  geology  and  natural  history.  On  the  appearance 
of  his  Acadian  Geology  (1855),  which  has  been  continually 
reprinted,  he  accepted  the  principalship  of  McGill.  The 
rest  of  his  life  is  inseparably  connected  with  its  expansion, 
with  the  improvement  of  educational  facilities  for  women, 
and  with  the  extension  of  the  Quebec  school  system.  In 
spite  of  these  new  demands  two  dozen  books  and  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  papers  attest  his  continued  interest  in  his 
favorite  study. 

By  the  Confederation  he  had  already  begun  the  correla- 
tion of  science  and  religion  which  distinguishes  his  essays 
and  lectures.  His  first  contribution  to  the  question  which 
was  agitating  the  minds  of  men  is  Archia  (i860),  "  a  sum- 
mary of  what  the  Bible  does  actually  teach  respecting  the 
history  of  the  earth  and  man  "  and  "  a  view  of  the  points  in 
which  the  teaching  of  the  Bible  comes  into  contact  with 
natural  science."  In  the  light  of  experience  Dawson  finds 
"  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Bible  has  nothing  to  dread 
from  the  revelations  of  geology."  Since  his  scientific  and 
literary  attainments  commanded  the  respect  of  naturalists 
and  men  of  letters,  the  book  was  immediately  accepted  as 
one  of  the  bulwarks  of  orthodoxy. 

As  such  it  is  typical  of  Canadian  theology  during  the  Pre- 
Confederation  Period.  The  writers  who  essayed  anything 
beyond  the  subtleties  of  church  doctrine  were  impelled  by 
conditions  across  the  Atlantic.     Like  Dawson  they  were 


146  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

invariably  conservative  in  temper.    As  a  rule,  none  of  them 
attained  to  any  originality  of  thought  or  expression. 

The  correlation  of  English  and  Canadian  scholarship, 
in  which  the  indebtedness  was  not  always  on  the  part  of 
Canada,  was  naturally  furthered  by  educational  conditions. 
In  the  establishment  of  their  universities  the  provinces  were 
usually  forced  to  call  upon  the  Mother  Country.  Their 
students  went  to  Edinburgh,  and  from  Edinburgh  came 
many  a  distinguished  Scotch  professor.  Most  noted  of  all 
the  men  who  thus  extended  the  intellectual  sovereignty  of 
Scotland  was  Sir  Daniel  Wilson  (1816-92),  who  came  to 
Toronto,  in  1853,  as  Professor  of  English  Literature  in  the 
college  which  he  lived  to  see  expand,  under  his  administra- 
tion, into  a  great  university.  His  archaeological  writings, 
which  have  retained  something  of  their  popularity,  consti- 
tute another  point  of  contact  between  the  New  World  and 
the  Old. 

Though  the  United  States  contributed  little  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  science  in  the  Dominion,  it  is  indebted  to 
Nova  Scotia  for  its  greatest  scientist,  Simon  Newcomb 
(1835-1909),  the  astronomer.  His  long  career  is  almost  the 
only  link  connecting  the  Republic  with  the  scientific  impulse 
of  the  Pre-Confederation  Period.  The  history  of  scholar- 
ship in  this  era  is  largely  that  of  Great  Britain. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

TRAVEL  AND  EXPLORATION 

By  a  strange  trick  of  fate  the  writers  of  travels  who  are  now 
remembered  make  no  pretension  to  literary  skill.  The  nar- 
ratives which  have  become  classic  are  the  unpolished,  but 
intensely  fascinating,  accounts  of  the  traders  connected  with 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company  and  its  formidable  rival,  the 
Northwest  Association.  Their  tales  of  adventure  will  be 
read  as  long  as  men  delight  in  pictures  of  life  untrammelled 
by  the  conventions  of  society. 

In  the  eighteenth  century  the  expeditions  of  the  older 
corporation  were  supplemented  by  individual  enterprises 
which  invariably  ended  in  failure.  These  ill-starred  under- 
takings led  to  numerous  volumes  in  which  the  Monopoly  of 
the  North,  which  controlled  the  Barrens,  was  severely  ar- 
raigned. Not  until  the  advent  of  Samuel  Hearne  (1745- 
92)  did  it  find  a  popular  defender.  His  matter-of-fact  nar- 
rative, A  Journey  from  Prince  of  Wales'  Fort  in  Hudson's 
Bay  to  the  Northern  Ocean  (1795),  a  record  of  his  dash  to  the 
Coppermine,  established  the  preeminence  of  the  great  com- 
panies in  the  literature  of  Hudson  Bay  and  also  the  auto- 
biographical form  adopted  by  his  successors. 

Hearne's  work,  which  was  undoubtedly  influenced  by 
Arthur  Dobbs'  Exploration  of  the  Countries  Adjoining  Hud- 
son's Bay  (1744),  a  recital  of  the  exploits  of  Joseph  La 
France,  a  half-breed,  went  through  many  editions  in  both 
French  and  English.  Its  popularity  encouraged  the  ad- 
venturers who  turned  westward  from  Montreal,  the  capital 
of  the  fur  trade,  and  the  centre  of  the  Scotch  society  with 
whose  fortunes  it  was  linked,  to  print  the  memoranda  of 

147 


148  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

their  adventures.  Of  these  magnates  the  most  famous  is 
Alexander  Mackenzie  (1 763-1820),  whose  name  is  pre- 
served in  the  river  which  he  made  known  to  civilization. 
Born  at  Stomoway,  he  followed  the  footsteps  of  many  an- 
other young  Scotchman,  and  for  five  years  toiled  in  a  Mon- 
treal countinghouse.  In  time  he  became  a  shareholder  in 
an  independent  fur  company  and,  later,  representative  of 
the  Northwest  Association  on  the  Athabaska.  Growing 
weary  of  the  humdrum  routine  of  a  remote  trading  post,  he 
set  out  on  his  first  journey  to  the  Arctic.  As  this  experience 
emphasized  the  need  of  scientific  apparatus,  he  returned  to 
England  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  necessary  instruments. 
The  spirit  which  took  him  back  to  the  student's  chair  is 
characteristic  of  the  perseverance  which  carried  him  across 
the  obstacles  of  an  untracked  wilderness.  After  his  next 
expedition,  in  which  he  was  eminently  successful,  he  retired 
from  the  Upper  Country,  and,  in  1797,  withdrew  from  the 
Northwest  Association  and  returned  to  England.  On  being 
knighted,  he  resumed  his  former  activity  in  Lower  Canada, 
where  he  represented  Huntingdon  in  the  Assembly. 

In  1 80 1  he  published  his  Voyages  from  Montreal  on  the 
River  St.  Lawrence,  through  the  Continent  of  North  America, 
to  the  Frozen  and  Pacific  Oceans,  in  the  Years  1789  and  1793. 
The  preliminary  account  of  the  fur  trade,  which  had  become 
an  essential  part  of  every  book  on  the  Northwest,  is  of  no 
special  importance.  The  journals,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
full  of  stirring  incidents  and  curious  information.  Like 
Hearne,  Mackenzie  recognizes  his  lack  of  craftsmanship. 
"  Before  I  conclude,"  he  says,  "  I  must  beg  to  inform  my 
readers  that  they  are  not  to  expect  the  charms  of  an  embel- 
lished narrative  or  animated  description.  The  approbation 
due  to  simplicity  and  truth  is  all  I  presume  to  claim;  and  I 
am  not  without  hope  that  this  claim  will  be  allowed  to  me." 
As  indeed  it  has  been.  "The  whole  work,"  said  Jeffrey  in 
the  first  volume  of  the  Edinburgh  Review,  "bears  an  impress 
of  correctness  and  veracity  that  leaves  no  unpleasant  feeling 


TRAVEL  AND  EXPLORATION  1 49 

of  doubt  or  suspicion  in  the  mind  of  the  reader."  With  this 
verdict  posterity  has  agreed.  The  Voyages,  which  were 
translated  into  French,  have  retained  their  vitality.  After 
a  century  they  are  as  fascinating  to  the  schoolboy  propped 
on  the  side  of  a  form  as  they  were  to  Napoleon  wearing  out 
his  life  at  Longwood. 

Though  all  the  explorers  and  fur  traders  like  Hearne  and 
Mackenzie  were  men  of  action  who  had  no  thought  of  lit- 
erary fame,  the  work  of  Alexander  Henry  (1 739-1824)  has 
certain  stylistic  excellencies  which  differentiate  it  from  that 
of  his  contemporaries.  Like  Harmon,  whose  name  is  even 
better  known,  he  was  of  American  birth.  Leaving  his  home 
in  New  Jersey,  in  his  twenty-first  year,  he  joined  Amherst's 
army  with  the  intention  of  engaging  in  the  fur  trade.  His 
Travels  and  Adventures  in  Canada  and  the  Indian  Territories 
between  the  Years  1760  and  1776  covers  his  experiences  during 
the  next  sixteen  years.  Like  most  traders  he  retained  his 
allegiance  after  the  Revolution,  and,  in  1781,  settled  at 
Montreal,  where  he  resided  until  his  death.  As  a  special 
literature  of  the  Frontier  had  already  arisen,  he  began  to 
revise  the  notes  of  his  excursions  in  the  Northwest,  and,  in 
1807,  printed  his  Travels  and  Adventures  in  Canada  and  the 
Indian  Territories  between  the  Years  1760-1776,  which  is 
regarded  as  the  chief  monument  of  the  fur  trade.  Though 
there  are  many  inaccuracies  and  mistakes  of  detail,  the  fact 
that  Henry  weaves  his  reminiscences  into  a  continuous  nar- 
rative gives  the  Travels  an  undeniable  charm.  The  natural- 
ness of  his  manner  makes  a  comparison  with  Defoe  not 
entirely  illogical. 

While  Henry's  name  at  once  suggests  that  of  his  nephew, 
Alexander  Henry,  and  that  of  the  explorer,  David  Thomp- 
son (1770-1857),  whose  manuscripts  have  recently  been 
edited,  their  journals  are  valueless  except  as  they  represent 
types  among  the  diarists  of  the  Northwest.  In  verisimili- 
tude they  are  both  excelled  by  David  Williams  Harmon, 
whose  Journal  of  Voyages  and  Travels  in  the  Interior  of  North 


150  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

America  (1820)  covers  a  residence  of  nineteen  years  in  the 
wilderness  between  Montreal  and  the  Pacific.  As  a  partner 
in  the  Northwest  Association  he  was  naturally  interested 
in  the  customs  of  the  trading  posts.  Nothing  can  be  more 
realistic  than  his  description  of  a  St.  Andrew's  Ball,  at  which 
the  guests  behaved  respectably  until  eleven  o'clock,  when 
they  came  to  blows,  as  a  result  of  refreshments,  and  engaged 
in  two  pitched  battles. 

Most  readers,  however,  will  find  the  chief  appeal  of  the 
book  in  the  story  of  his  spiritual  affairs  and  domestic  rela- 
tions. As  he  had  been  brought  up  in  a  Puritan  atmosphere, 
he  was  shocked  by  the  depravity  of  the  traders.  "  Our 
men,"  he  says  in  surprise,  "  play  at  cards  on  the  Sabbath  the 
same  as  any  other  day.  For  such  improper  conduct  I  once 
reproved  them;  but  their  reply  was,  '  There  is  no  Sabbath 
in  this  country,'  and,  they  added,  'No  God  nor  devil'; 
and  their  behaviour  but  too  plainly  shows  that  they  spoke 
as  they  think.  It  is  a  lamentable  fact  that  those  who  have 
been  for  any  considerable  length  of  time  in  this  savage 
country  lay  aside  the  greater  part  of  the  regulations  of 
civilized  and  Christian  people,  and  behave  little  better  than 
savages."  So  degrading  was  the  environment  of  the  forts 
that  in  a  short  time  he  surpassed  his  fellows  in  wickedness. 
"  My  intention,  however,"  he  remarks  naively,  "  was  by  no 
means  to  cast  off  all  religion;  but  I  attempted  to  frame  to 
myself  a  religion  which  would  comport  with  my  feelings  and 
with  my  manner  of  life."  As  usual,  this  attempt  ended  in 
ignominious  failure,  and  the  death  of  his  little  son,  whom  he 
had  sent  East  to  be  educated,  accentuated  the  revulsion. 

The  change  is  seen  most  clearly  in  his  attitude  towards 
his  wife.  On  beginning  his  career  as  a  trader,  he  had  followed 
the  custom  of  the  country  in  taking  a  concubine.  "  This 
day,"  he  says  in  his  diary,  "  a  Canadian's  daughter,  a  girl  of 
fourteen  years  of  age,  was  offered  to  me;  and  after  mature 
consideration  concerning  the  step  which  I  ought  to  take,  I 
have  finally  concluded  to  accept  of  her.  ...    If  we  can  live 


TRAVEL  AND  EXPLORATION  151 

in  harmony  together,  my  intention  now  is  to  keep  her  as  long 
as  I  remain  in  this  uncivilized  part  of  the  world."  On  leaving, 
he  had  planned  to  present  her  to  a  friend,  but  his  religious 
experience  and  the  loss  of  his  son  led  him  to  take  her  with 
him.  "  Having  lived  with  this  woman  as  my  wife,  though 
we  were  never  formally  contracted  to  each  other,  .  .  .  and 
having  children  by  her,  I  consider  that  I  am  under  moral 
obligation  not  to  dissolve  the  connection  if  she  is  willing  to 
continue  it.  The  union  which  has  been  formed  between  us 
in  the  providence  of  God  has  not  only  been  cemented  by  a 
long  and  mutual  performance  of  kind  offices  but  also  by  a 
more  sacred  consideration.  .  .  .  We  have  wept  together 
over  the  early  departure  of  several  children  and  especially 
over  the  death  of  a  beloved  son.  We  have  children  still 
living,  who  are  equally  dear  to  us  both."  Fragmentary,  and 
with  no  spark  of  literary  grace,  the  Journal  is  still  an  inti- 
mate document  of  some  merit. 

Even  more  fascinating  are  the  narratives  of  Alexander 
Ross  (1783-1856),  the  most  vivacious  of  all  the  chroniclers 
of  the  Northwest.  Like  Mackenzie  he  was  born  in  Scot- 
land. After  teaching  school  in  Glengarry  he  entered  the 
Pacific  Fur,  the  Northwestern,  and  finally  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company.  In  1825  he  settled  at  Red  River,  where  he  be- 
came a  member  of  the  Council  and  Sheriff  of  Assiniboine. 
During  the  rest  of  his  life  he  devoted  himself  to  the  task  of 
re-creating  the  days  of  the  Frontier. 

His  Adventures  of  the  First  Settlers  on  the  Oregon  or  Colum- 
bia River  (1849),  which  the  Athenaeum  described  as  "  one  of 
the  most  striking  pictures  of  a  life  of  adventure,"  is  sur- 
passed in  graphic  power  by  the  Fur  Traders  of  the  Far  West 
(1855),  in  which  fact  and  fiction  are  happily  blended.  In  it 
too  the  elements  of  style  are  much  more  firmly  correlated. 
Further  advance  in  technique  is  noticeable  in  The  Red  River 
Settlement  (1856),  the  best  of  all  his  work.  Though  the  nar- 
rative, which  is  part  history,  part  reminiscence,  and  part 
adventure,  lacks  proportion  and  coherence,  the  prose  is 


152  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

flexible,  sparkling,  and  effective.    Of  no  great  import,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  a  lively  memorial  of  an  exciting  period. 

The  last  great  name  in  the  history  of  the  fur  trade  is  that 
of  Sir  George  Simpson  (1792-1860),  to  whom  Ross  dedicated 
his  Fur  Traders  of  the  Far  West.  Following  the  usual  itin- 
erary from  Scotland  to  Montreal  and  the  Athabaska,  he 
became  Governor  of  the  United  Companies.  Henceforth  his 
time  was  devoted  to  the  exploration  of  the  territory  which 
he  ruled.  As  early  as  1828  he  crossed  the  continent  from 
Hudson  Bay  to  the  Pacific.  Finally,  in  1841,  he  began  his 
famous  journey  from  Montreal  to  Vancouver  and  thence 
across  the  Pacific  to  Siberia  and  London.  Six  years  later 
the  story  of  his  adventures  was  told  in  his  Narrative  of  a 
Journey  Round  the  World.  Edited  by  Adam  Thorn,  the 
author  of  the  Camillus  Letters,  who  became  Recorder  at  the 
Red  River  Settlement,  it  lacks  the  personal  touches  which 
make  the  disconnected  journals  of  Mackenzie  and  his  im- 
mediate followers  so  alluring.  Its  well  written  but  pon- 
derous descriptions  show  that  the  old  school  of  chroniclers 
had  passed  away.  Henceforth  respectability  of  anecdote, 
accuracy  of  fact,  and  correctness  of  manner  emphasize  the 
recession  of  the  Frontier  and  the  advent  of  a  new  order.  Of 
the  literature  of  the  Northwest,  a  literature  which,  in  the 
words  of  Jeffrey,  "  carries  back  the  imagination  to  those 
days  of  enterprise  and  discovery  when  the  Genius  of  Europe 
broke  into  all  the  continents  of  the  world,"  the  principal 
types  have  been  enumerated.  There  are  narratives  of  ad- 
venture, usually,  as  in  the  case  of  Mackenzie,  without  pre- 
tension to  literary  merit,  but  once  at  least,  under  the  hands 
of  Henry,  elevated  to  the  realm  of  art;  the  autobiographic 
revelations  of  such  men  as  Harmon;  and,  last,  the  gossipy 
sketches  of  Alexander  Ross.  Of  the  writers  connected  with 
the  fur  trade  these  may  be  considered  representative. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  SCHOOL  OF  GOLDSMITH 

In  turning  from  the  history  of  prose  to  that  of  verse  it  is 
necessary  to  revert  for  a  moment  to  the  canons  brought  into 
the  New  Colonies  from  the  Old.  The  Loyalists,  as  I  have 
tried  to  make  clear,  were  still  imitators.  Characteristic 
proof  of  their  subserviency  is  to  be  found  in  the  redaction  of 
Bailey's  Farewell,  which  Samuel  Peters  thought  necessary  to 
recast  in  the  diction  of  the  neo-classicists.  Further  proof,  if 
it  be  needed,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Pope-ridden  programs 
of  the  reading  clubs.  The  literary  ideals  of  the  Loyalists 
remained  unchanged  after  the  Revolution. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that 
Goldsmith,  on  whose  shoulders  the  mantle  of  the  neo-clas- 
sicists, varied  by  new  colors,  eventually  fell,  should  become 
a  dominating  figure  in  Canadian  poetry.  All  memorials  of 
the  period  indicate  the  wide  appeal  made  by  his  two  most 
famous  poems.  Sir  Brenton  Haliburton,  for  instance,  left  an 
essay  on  The  Deserted  Village  and  a  poem  suggested  by  The 
Traveller  —  "Reflections  on  Passing  Events."  In  addition 
to  such  direct  imitations  many  other  poems  like  Howe's 
"  Melville  Island  "  were  written  under  the  spell  of  Gold- 
smith's personality. 

By  a  strange  chance  the  man  who  achieved  the  highest 
reputation  as  a  versifier  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  an  imitator  and  relative  of  the  author 
of  The  Deserted  Village.  A  son  of  Henry,  to  whom  The 
Traveller  was  addressed,  emigrated  to  America,  where  he 
served  with  gallantry  during  the  Revolution.  Resigning  his 
commission,  he  settled  at  Annapolis,  in  Nova  Scotia,  where 
his  son  Oliver  (1781-1861)  was  born.    Though  the  father 

IS3 


154  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

seems  to  have  been  as  improvident  as  his  uncle,  Oliver  must 
have  acquired  an  education;  for,  in  1825,  he  published, 
at  London,  the  first  edition  of  The  Rising  Village.  In  this 
poem  of  the  Loyalist  Migration,  which  he  compares,  in  his 
preface,  with  the  exodus  depicted  by  his  namesake,  he  en- 
deavored "  to  describe  the  sufferings  which  the  earlier  set- 
tlers experienced,  the  difficulties  which  they  surmounted, 
the  rise  and  progress  of  a  young  country,  and  the  prospects 
which  promise  greatness  to  its  future  possessors."  Although 
the  style  possesses  no  particular  merit,  the  lines  are  correct 
and  melodious: 

There  verdant  meads  along  the  uplands  spring, 
And  grateful  odors  to  the  breezes  fling; 
Here  crops  of  grain  in  rich  luxuriance  rise, 
And  wave  their  golden  riches  to  the  skies. 
There  smiling  orchards  interrupt  the  scene, 
Or  gardens  bounded  by  some  hedge  of  green; 
The  farmer's  cottage  bosomed  'mong  the  trees 
Whose  spreading  branches  shelter  from  the  breeze; 
The  winding  stream  that  turns  the  busy  mill 
Whose  clanking  echoes  o'er  the  distant  hill; 
The  neat  white  church  beside  whose  walls  are  spread 
The  grass-clad  hillocks  of  the  sacred  dead.  .  .  . 

As  the  first  attempt  to  portray  the  life  of  the  early  settlers 
the  poem  is  worthy  of  mention.  It  was  accepted  too  in  its 
own  day  as  the  chief  monument  of  the  Loyalist  Migration, 
and  was  regarded  as  such  by  Bishop  Inglis  when  he  penned 
his  introduction  to  the  first  edition.  Aside  from  being  pub- 
lished in  part  in  the  Acadian  Magazine,  it  also  appeared  in 
the  Canadian  Review,  and,  in  1834,  was  reprinted  at  St.  John. 
It  thus  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  poem  of  any 
magnitude  by  a  native  author  to  be  published  in  both  Great 
Britain  and  Canada,  and  the  first  book  of  verse  after  Alline's 
to  run  into  a  second  edition.  So  great  was  Goldsmith's 
reputation  that  Howe  considered  himself  lucky  to  have  a 
long  New  Year's  address  from  his  pen  in  the  first  number  of 
the  Nova  Scotian. 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  GOLDSMITH      155 

The  vein  struck  by  Oliver  Goldsmith,  who  became  Com- 
missary General  of  Nova  Scotia,  was  developed  by  William 
Kirby  (181 7-1906),  who  is  known  by  his  Chien  d'Or.  Kirby, 
whose  life  was  spent  in  the  historic  Niagara  district,  the  chief 
Loyalist  settlement  in  Upper  Canada,  attempted,  in  1859, 
to  tell  the  story  of  its  founders  in  an  epic  poem  of  twelve 
cantos  dedicated  to  Beverley  Robinson.  After  describing 
the  journey  down  the  St.  Lawrence  and  through  Lake  On- 
tario, he  pictures  the  life  of  the  countryside,  the  men  moving 
about  in  gray  homespun  while 

The  rosy  girls  in  brighter  colors  fair 
And  ribbons  knotted  on  their  folded  hair, 
With  merry  smiles  and  sparkling  glances  please, 
Contrive  new  conquests  and  old  lovers  tease. 

The  poet,  a  man  of  literary  taste,  was  a  patient  student 
of  Goldsmith,  whom  he  apostrophizes  in  the  poem,  and  was 
capable  of  turning  out  pedestrian  but  readable  verse.  A 
characteristic  passage  is  to  be  found  in  his  picture  of  the 
season's  labor: 

As  summer  heats  begin  to  parch  the  air, 
His  panting  flocks  reclaim  his  tender  care. 
Beneath  the  shade  of  some  old  spreading  tree 
The  shepherd  takes  them  on  his  bended  knee, 
And  plies  with  nimble  hand  the  sounding  shears 
About  their  trembling  sides  and  shrinking  ears. 

Unfortunately,  when  the  scene  shifts  to  the  Rebellion  of 
1837,  the  author's  loyalty  overcomes  his  interest  in  rural 
pastimes  and  drags  his  verse  into  the  quicksands  of  politics, 
where  it  soon  loses  its  vitality.  At  best  none  of  his  lines  can 
compare  with  those  quoted  from  The  Rising  Village,  and  the 
poem  as  a  whole  shows  the  constant  deterioration  which  was 
taking  place  among  the  writers  who  clung  to  the  spirit  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  One  has  but  to  turn  to  the  other  poems 
written  in  the  same  manner  by  the  sons  and  daughters  of 
Loyalists  who  were  anxious  to  commemorate  the  deeds  of 


156  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

their  fathers  in  order  to  realize  how  completely  the  fire 
kindled  by  Odell  had  been  lost,  and  how  impossible  it  was 
for  them  to  fan  the  dead  ashes  of  neo-classicism  into  a  new 
flame.  The  story  of  their  efforts  is  a  story  of  failure  in  which 
there  is  no  glimmer  of  light. 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  BYRON 


The  satiric  tradition,  which  had  been  connected  with  the 
couplet,  suffered  equal  degradation.  For  a  time  it  was 
vitalized  by  the  influence  of  Byron,1  who  was  nearer  in  mood 
to  the  great  English  satirists  than  any  other  poet  of  his  cen- 
tury. Several  of  the  young  men  who  looked  to  him  as  their 
leader  wrote  some  pleasant  social  verse  that  has  much  of  the 
audaciousness  of  Don  Juan.  In  number  and  power,  how- 
ever, they  were  gradually  obscured  by  those  who  were 
attracted  by  other  aspects  of  his  poetry. 

Though  many  of  these  versifiers  —  a  hundred  all  told  — 
could  write  fluently,  the  themes  to  which  they  devoted  their 
talents  were,  with  one  exception,  too  remote  to  be  of  signifi- 
cance. Their  odes  to  Liberty  and  their  imitations  of  the 
Hebrew  Melodies  are  little  more  than  academic  exercises. 
Even  their  erotic  verse  as  a  whole  is  without  life.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  created  a  taste  for  American  scenes.  The 
oriental  tales  of  Byron  and  Moore,  whose  fame  equalled  that 
of  his  contemporary,  led  to  an  extended  use  of  Indian  set- 
tings. This  movement,  which  also  took  root  in  the  field  of 
neo-classicism,  was  regarded  in  many  quarters  as  the  first 
sign  of  a  national  literature.  As  such  it  seems  to  have  met 
with  cordial  appreciation.  In  1830  Adam  Kidd  (1802- 
31),  author  of  The  Huron  Chief  and  Other  Poems,  who  had 
injured  himself  by  falling  over  a  cliff  "  with  all  that  open 
carelessness  which  is  so  peculiarly  the  product  of  poetic 
feeling,"  could  point  to  a  sale  of  fifteen  hundred  copies 

1  In  1816  a  volume  of  his  poems  was  issued  at  Montreal.  Sixteen  years 
later  John  Gait's  Life  appeared  at  Niagara. 

157 


158  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

within  a  year  of  publication.  A  few  months  later  William 
Hawley  (1804-55),  wno  na-d  just  published  The  Unknown; 
or  Lays  of  the  Forest  (183 1),  could  speak  with  pride  of  the 
success  attained  by  his  first  volume,  Quebec,  The  Harp,  and 
Other  Poems  (1829),  and  of  the  status  of  "  Canadian  poetry." 
Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  their  enthusiasm,  the  writers  who 
followed  in  the  wake  of  Byron  and  Moore  failed  to  accom- 
plish in  verse  what  Richardson,  who  found  his  pattern  in 
America,  achieved  in  prose. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


CHARLES  SANGSTER 


Of  the  poets  who  were  indebted  to  Byron,  Charles  Sangster 
(1822-93)  alone  has  achieved  a  place  in  the  literature  of 
the  Dominion.  Like  most  writers  of  his  time  he  was  forced 
to  work  with  little  preparation  and  at  great  disadvantage. 
Though  his  verse  consequently  is  mediocre,  he  is  the  most 
significant  poet  of  the  Pre-Confederation  Period. 

In  birth,  education,  and  ideals  he  was  essentially  Cana- 
dian. His  paternal  grandfather  emigrated  to  Canada  at  the 
close  of  the  Revolution.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  his  mother's  father,  who  had  joined  one  of  the 
Scotch  settlements  on  Prince  Edward  Island,  turned  west- 
ward along  the  shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  fertile 
province  of  Ontario.  Like  Haliburton  and  Richardson, 
Sangster  thus  represents  the  Loyalist  and  Scotch  elements 
of  Canadian  society.  Born  at  the  Navy  Yard,  Point  Fred- 
erick, where  his  father  was  employed,  he  was  familiar  with 
the  most  striking  incidents  in  the  history  of  the  Dominion. 
During  the  troubles  of  1837  he  was  engaged  at  Fort  Henry 
in  the  manufacture  of  cartridges.  Ten  years  later  he  went 
to  Amherstburg,  the  home  of  Richardson,  as  editor  of  the 
Courier.  Returning  to  Kingston,  he  became  proof  reader  on 
the  Whig,  with  which  he  remained  until  he  entered  the  civil 
service  at  Ottawa.  All  the  circumstances  of  his  career  thus 
extended  his  knowledge  of  Canadian  thought  and  feeling. 

His  first  volume  of  verse,  The  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Sague- 
nay  (1856),  as  Sir  Daniel  Wilson  pointed  out  at  the  time  of 
publication,  is  largely  in  the  manner  of  Byron.  The  hun- 
dred and  ten  Spenserian  stanzas  of  the  leading  poem  form  a 
kind  of  descriptive  guidebook  to  the  rivers  mentioned  in  the 

ISO 


160  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

title.  On  every  page  there  is,  as  the  Athenaeum  remarked 
with  great  justice,  "  a  feeling  for  the  beauties  of  nature  "; 
but  there  is  also,  as  it  added,  "a  general  vagueness"  that 
prevents  adequate  visualization.  Though  the  phrasing  is 
occasionally  felicitous,  the  lines  are  marred  by  false  rhymes 
and  incongruous  diction.  The  lyrics  too  lack  spontaneity 
and  grace.  One  of  the  best  is  the  little  song,  "The  Whip- 
poorwill."    Lighter  than  usual  is  "My  Kitten": 

Teasing,  saucy,  little  pest! 
Will  you  never  be  at  rest  ? 
Romping  in  and  out  the  house, 
Chasing  Tabby  for  a  mouse. 

Here  clearly  is  little  promise  of  ultimate  achievement.  Not 
until  a  reader  turns  to  "England  and  America"  does  he  mid 
anything  worthy  of  commemoration.  In  spite  of  occasional 
lapses,  the  spirited  expression  of  Anglo-Saxon  unity, 

But,  united,  stand  and  labor 

Side  by  side  and  hand  in  hand, 
Battling  with  the  sword  of  Freedom 

For  the  peace  of  every  land  — 

is  sufficient  to  make  The  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Saguenay  an 
interesting  volume. 

It  soon  created  a  reputation  for  its  author.  In  Canada, 
where  he  was  immediately  recognized  as  a  national  poet,  the 
most  exaggerated  praise  was  given  to  his  verses.  In  the 
United  States,  where  they  were  also  published,  there  was 
equal  lack  of  discrimination.  Criticism  south  of  the  Border 
was  generally  as  little  advanced  as  that  in  the  North.  With 
rare  good  sense,  however,  the  Criterion,  standing  apart  from 
the  majority  of  periodicals,  remarked  that  if  Sangster  had 
burned  three-quarters  of  the  contents  and  printed  the  re- 
mainder, he  would  have  had  an  excellent  volume.  With 
this  judgment  few  will  take  issue. 

Sangster's  fame  depends  on  his  second  book,  Hesperus  and 
Other  Poems  and  Lyrics  (i860).    This,  as  Bayard  Taylor 


CHARLES  SANGSTER  161 

said,  "  has  more  freshness  and  more  art."  Before  its  publica- 
tion the  poet  had  emancipated  himself  from  the  spell  of 
Byron;  and  although  his  indebtedness  to  Longfellow, 
Tennyson,  and  Wordsworth  is  patent,  he  sometimes  ap- 
proaches independence  in  thought  and  form.  In  variety  of 
topics  also  —  in  his  poems  of  rural  and  domestic  life,  in  those 
voicing  the  new  sense  of  nationality,  in  his  love  lyrics,  and 
especially  in  his  descriptive  and  religious  verses  —  he  excels 
all  his  contemporaries. 

His  pictures  of  rural  life  are  simple  and  unaffected.  "The 
Happy  Harvesters,"  a  cantata,  contains  many  a  realistic 
scene  of  the  countryside: 

The  youthful  fiddler  on  his  three-legged  stool 
Fancied  himself  at  least  an  Ole  Bull; 
Some  easy  bumpkin  seated  on  the  floor 
Hunted  the  slipper  till  his  ribs  were  sore. 

His  domestic  poems  like  "Old  Grandpere"  reflect  the 
melody,  the  commonplaceness,  and  the  sentimentality  of 
Longfellow.  More  in  the  New  England  poet's  manner  is 
"Mariline": 

Up  the  meditative  air 

Passed  the  smoke-wreaths  white  and  fair 

Like  the  spirit  of  the  prayer 

Mariline  now  offered  there; 

Passed  behind  the  cottage  eaves, 
Curling  through  the  maple  trees. 

Even  these  imitative  lines,  however,  are  imbued  with  a 
Canadian  atmosphere. 

It  is  Sangster's  distinction  that  he  felt  the  pulse  of  the 
national  spirit  which  was  beginning  to  beat,  however  faintly, 
throughout  Ontario.  In  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Saguenay 
he  had  included  a  number  of  patriotic  verses  on  the  Crimean 
War.  Like  Mrs.  Moodie's  these  do  not  rise  above  the  per- 
functory odes  which  are  still  accepted  as  poetry.  Those  in 
Hesperus,  on  the  contrary,  are  full  of  passionate  enthusiasm 


1 62  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

for  the  ideal  of  a  united  people  within  an  imperial  alliance. 
"Brock,"  recited  at  the  unveiling  of  the  monument  at 
Queenston, 

One  voice,  one  people,  one  in  heart 
And  soul,  and  feeling,  and  desire  — 

did  much  to  further  the  development  of  national  conscious- 
ness. 

His  love  songs  likewise  are  in  advance  of  anything  ac- 
complished by  his  contemporaries.  A  few  like  "Love  While 
You  May"  have  all  the  glad  paganism  of  Herrick's  lyrics. 
Another  song  from  "The  Happy  Harvesters," 

Whither  now,  blushing  Claire, 
Maid  of  the  sylph-like  air, 
Blooming  and  debonair, 

Whither  so  early  ? 
Chasing  the  merry  morn 
Down  through  the  golden  corn, 
Listening  the  hunter's  horn 

Ring  through  the  barley  ? 

is  an  echo  from  Tennyson.  Many  such  as  "Young  Again" 
seem  the  direct  outpouring  of  his  own  spirit: 

Young  again !    Young  again ! 

Beating  heart!    I  deemed  that  sorrow 
With  its  torture  rack  of  pain 

Had  eclipsed  each  bright  tomorrow, 
And  that  love  could  never  rise 
Into  life's  cerulean  skies, 
Singing  the  divine  refrain, 

"  Young  again!    Young  again!" 

Young  again !    Young  again ! 

Passion  dies  as  we  grow  older: 
Love  that  in  repose  has  lain 

Takes  a  higher  flight  and  bolder, 
Fresh  from  rest  and  dewy  sleep, 
Like  the  skylark's  matin  sweep, 
Singing  the  divine  refrain, 

"Young  again!    Young  again!" 

No  other  writer  attained  to  such  lyrical  freedom  and  grace. 


CHARLES  SANGSTER  163 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  the  influence  of  his  patriotic  verse 
and  the  lilt  of  his  songs,  Sangster's  claim  to  a  place  in  Cana- 
dian literature  rests  on  his  descriptive  and  religious  poetry. 
After  the  publication  of  The  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Saguenay, 
an  English  periodical  christened  him  the  "  Wordsworth  of 
Canada."  If  the  long  poems  in  blank  verse  reminiscent  of 
the  Seer  of  the  Lake  School  seem  to  justify  the  title,  Hes- 
perus, coming  four  years  later,  makes  secure  his  position  as 
the  first  interpreter  of  Nature.  "  His  verse,"  said  Oliver 
Wendell  Holmes,  "  adds  new  interest  to  the  woods  and  the 
streams."  "The  Rapid,"  which  appeared  in  the  earlier  vol- 
ume, is  perhaps  the  most  widely  known  of  his  poems.  The 
refrain, 

Hurrah  for  the  rapid  that  merrily,  merrily 
Gambols  and  leaps  on  its  tortuous  way  — 

is  a  clever  reproduction  of  the  tumbling  waters  which  have 
since  dominated  the  literature  of  the  Northland.  The  re- 
ceptive mood  of  his  verse  is  seen  to  better  advantage  in  the 
lines  from  "The  Happy  Harvesters": 

Autumn,  like  an  old  poet  in  a  haze 
Of  golden  visions,  dreams  away  his  days 
So  Hafiz-like  that  one  may  almost  hear 
The  singer's  thoughts  imbue  the  atmosphere. 

The  spirit  of  communion,  so  noticeable  in  Wordsworth,  is 
reflected  in  "The  Falls  of  Chaudiere": 

I  have  laid  my  cheek  to  Nature's,  placed  my  puny  hand  in  hers, 
Felt  a  kindred  spirit  warming  all  the  life-blood  of  my  face. 

Unlike  Wordsworth  the  inspiration  Sangster  imbibes  is  re- 
ligious rather  than  philosophical.  In  the  best  of  a  series  of 
twenty-two  sonnets  so-called  included  in  Hesperus  is  an 
apostrophe : 

Blest  Spirit  of  Calm  that  dwellest  in  these  woods! 

.  .  .  heaven's  light 
Comes  down  into  my  heart,  and  in  its  might 
My  soul  stands  up  and  knocks  at  God's  own  temple  gates. 


1 64  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

These  imaginative  phrases,  worthy  of  Vaughan,  exemplify 
the  religious  struggle  from  which  his  verse  is  seldom  free. 
He  never  fully  emerges  from  the  darkness: 

Our  life  is  like  a  forest  where  the  sun 

Glints  down  among  us  through  the  throbbing  leaves: 

The  full  light  rarely  finds  us. 

The  reliance  on  God  found  in  "My  Prayer": 

O  God,  forgive  the  erring  thought, 

The  erring  word  and  deed, 
And  in  thy  mercy  hear  the  Christ 

Who  comes  to  intercede. 


I  ask  not  wisdom  such  as  that 
To  which  the  world  is  prone, 
Nor  knowledge  ask  unless  it  come 
Direct  from  God  alone  — 

the  contentment  of  the  "Mystery": 

Let  me  see 
Some  portion  of  the  truths  that  lead 
By  slow  gradation  up  to  Thee  — 

and  the  simple  faith  of  "The  Soul": 

What  must  be  the  Perfect  Whole 
When  the  atom  is  so  great! 

are  finally  surrendered  in  "The  Dreamer"  for  the  divine  in 
his  own  heart: 

If  thou  wouldst  truly  win 

The  race  thou  art  pursuing, 

Heed  well  the  voice  within. 

In  the  end  he  must  rely  on 

The  calm  wisdom  of  that  inner  life 

That  makes  the  poet  heir  to  worlds  unknown, 

All  space  his  empire,  and  the  sun  his  throne. 

From  this  sketch  of  Sangster's  life  and  poetry  it  is  evident 
that  his  place  in  Canada  is  comparable  in  some  respects  to 


CHARLES  SANGSTER  1 65 

that  of  Longfellow  in  the  United  States.  Without  possess- 
ing any  imaginative  power  each  has  established  himself  in 
the  popular  mind  as  a  national  poet.  Distinctiveness,  how- 
ever, seldom  goes  beyond  material.  Nevertheless,  in  the 
reproduction  of  the  American  landscape  Sangster,  unlike 
Longfellow,  now  and  then  reveals  the  hidden  glory  of  the 
commonplace.  More  sensitive  and  more  richly  endowed 
with  spiritual  insight,  he  occasionally  reaches  heights  that 
the  author  of  Evangeline  and  Hiawatha  never  achieves. 
Lacking  education  and  opportunity  for  development,  he 
inevitably  falls  beneath  the  New  England  poet  in  scholarship 
and  taste.  Nevertheless,  in  a  small  way  his  place  in  Canada 
corresponds  with  that  of  Longfellow  in  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  SCHOOL  OF  BURNS 

While  all  the  writers  with  a  few  exceptions  who  found  their 
inspiration  in  the  work  of  Goldsmith  or  Byron  regarded 
themselves  as  pioneers  in  the  establishment  of  a  new  litera- 
ture, other  men  in  the  great  Scotch  settlements  clung  tena- 
ciously to  the  idioms  and  metres  of  their  fathers.  Many 
like  William  Murdock  (1823-87),  who  "  seldom  fashed  the 
world  wi'  his  musings,  but  contented  himself  wi'  crooning 
them  to  his  ain  inward  ear,"  were  satisfied  with  a  local 
audience.  Their  songs,  fitted  to  the  tunes  whose  choruses 
had  become  part  of  the  common  heritage  of  the  Scotch 
people,  enlivened  many  a  festival.  In  language  as  in  meas- 
ure they  belong  to  the  national  poetry  of  Scotland,  to  the 
School  of  Fergusson  and  Burns. 

The  patriotism  of  the  Lowland  settlers  led  them  to  reject 
with  scorn  the  suggestion  that  their  literature  belongs  to 
Canada.  "  0  tell  na  me  this  is  my  hame,"  cried  Murdock  in 
his  "Song  of  an  Exile,"  and  thousands  of  his  countrymen 
echoed  the  sentiment.  What  he  said  of  himself,  that  he  was 
"  mair  behaudden  to  the  sang-spirit  of  Scotland  than  to  that 
of  Partridge  Island,"  was  equally  true  of  his  fellow  bards. 
The  lyrical  poetry  of  the  Scotch  settlements  lies  apart  from 
the  main  current  I  have  been  following. 

In  many  respects,  however,  it  is  superior  to  much  pro- 
duced by  the  coteries  who  regarded  their  efforts  as  distinc- 
tively Canadian.  Though  the  members  of  these  groups  were 
usually  men  of  education  and  ability,  they  seldom  had  any- 
thing to  say.  The  Scotch  lyrists,  on  the  other  hand,  sang 
with  full  hearts.    That  they  lacked  culture  and  the  power 

166 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  BURNS  1 67 

of  self-criticism  did  not  affect  their  popularity  among  the 
masses.  Their  love  of  nature  and  humanity  and  their 
hatred  of  political  and  religious  hypocrisy  counterbalanced 
their  defective  technique. 

As  a  result,  the  most  widely  read  poet  of  the  Pre-Confed- 
eration  Era  was  a  young  Scotchman,  Alexander  McLachlan 
(1818-96),  the  son  of  a  mechanic  who  came  to  Canada  in 
1840.  Under  the  inspiration  of  his  father  and  an  old  school- 
master he  had  acquired  a  knack  of  versification.  Five  vol- 
umes of  his  poems,  all  reflecting  the  radicalism  which  his 
countrymen  brought  with  them  to  Ontario,  attest  his  in- 
dustry. A  complete  edition  of  his  work,  published  four 
years  after  his  death,  shows  that  it  retains  its  appeal.  Never- 
theless, though  some  of  his  verses  like  those  entitled  "Old 
Hannah"  have  a  simplicity  and  pathos  suggestive  of  Words- 
worth, they  are  so  marred  by  carelessness  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  accept  the  usual  estimate  of  their  value.  In  their 
faults  as  well  as  in  their  excellencies  they  are  characteristic 
of  the  School  of  Burns  in  Canada.  During  McLachlan's 
youth  it  reached  its  zenith,  and  during  his  age  on  the  pleas- 
ant farm  which  had  been  presented  to  him  by  his  admirers 
a  new  generation  arose  to  whom  it  was  little  more  than  a 
memory. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

CHARLES  HEAVYSEGE 

Through  the  emigration  of  its  author  one  of  the  most 
curious  poems  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  also  connected 
with  the  history  of  Canadian  literature.  Charles  Heavy- 
sege's  Saul,  which  no  one  reads  but  everyone  professes  to 
admire,  appeared  at  Montreal  in  1857.  In  the  following 
year  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  who  was  consul  at  Liverpool, 
presented  a  copy  to  Coventry  Patmore.  The  latter,  in- 
spired by  the  donor's  enthusiasm,  undertook  a  study  for  the 
North  British  Review.  His  essay,  which  ranks  Saul  as  the 
greatest  English  poem  published  outside  Great  Britain,  be- 
gan a  tradition  in  criticism  which  still  lives. 

The  recognition  of  Heavysege's  genius  by  the  great  Eng- 
lish periodicals  naturally  created  a  vogue  in  Montreal,  where 
interest  was  intensified  by  stories  of  his  poverty.  As  a  result, 
the  first  edition  of  Saul  was  supplemented  by  a  second, 
which  made  its  way  into  the  libraries  of  New  England,  where 
the  poem  was  hospitably  received.  Longfellow,  who  had 
seen  a  copy  of  the  first  edition,  pronounced  Heavysege  "  the 
greatest  dramatist  since  Shakespeare."  Emerson  and  others 
joined  in  the  chorus  of  approval.  Finally,  in  1865,  Bayard 
Taylor,  who  had  visited  Heavysege  in  his  shop,  reviewed  his 
work  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly. 

The  interest  aroused  in  New  England  by  these  discussions 
brought  Heavysege  into  intimate  relationship  with  numer- 
ous men  of  letters.  At  their  suggestion  he  visited  Boston, 
where  he  was  entertained  by  Charlotte  Cushman.  For  her 
he  wrote  a  stage  version  of  Saul,  which  was  bought  by  a 
New  York  manager  but  never  produced.     Although    this 

168 


CHARLES  HEAVYSEGE  1 69 

recognition  gratified  his  vanity,  it  is  doubtful  if  it  benefited 
his  verse.  In  the  blatant  heyday  of  American  republican- 
ism many  whom  he  met  were  quick  to  commiserate  his  lot  in 
an  English  colony.  Their  attitude  induced  him  to  underrate 
his  associates  and  to  disregard  their  advice.  Nevertheless, 
his  connection  with  the  New  England  writers  was  not  alto- 
gether harmful.  When  he  proposed  to  publish  his  later 
poems  in  the  United  States,  Longfellow,  with  fine  catho- 
licity, wrote,  "  I  would  plant  my  brains  on  my  own  soil  "; 
and  Bayard  Taylor  added  later,  "  You  are  a  true  poet,  but 
the  way  to  acknowledged  success  even  to  such  lies  in  drudg- 
ery." Their  influence,  which  was  decidedly  helpful,  prob- 
ably made  him  more  contented  with  his  surroundings  and 
more  amenable  to  criticism.  Still,  the  exaggerated  homage 
which  he  received  confirmed  his  belief  in  his  infallibility,  and 
induced  him  to  reject  many  valuable  emendations  when 
preparing  the  third  edition  of  Saul,  published  at  Boston, 
in  1869.  This  version,  which  was  highly  commended  by 
Richard  Grant  White,  established  the  author's  reputation 
in  New  England. 

Although  the  drama  is  no  longer  printed,  except  in  piece- 
meal, its  early  reception  in  Great  Britain,  in  the  United 
States,  and  in  Canada  and  its  general  acceptance  as  one  of 
the  masterpieces  of  Canadian  literature  challenge  investiga- 
tion. If  regarded  as  a  play,  it  must  be  dismissed  as  utterly 
worthless.  Nothing  less  adapted  to  the  stage  can  be  im- 
agined. Its  length  alone  is  sufficient  to  damn  it.  In  its  final 
form  over  ten  thousand  lines  are  chopped  into  three  parts. 
Though  these  follow  the  order  of  the  biblical  narrative,  the 
division  into  acts  and  scenes,  of  which  there  are  an  amazing 
number,  is  often  arbitrary.  In  short,  the  poet  has  no  idea  of 
economy,  no  power  of  selection,  and  no  feeling  for  suspense 
or  climax.  The  dramatic  cloak  which  he  imposes  on  his  ma- 
terial merely  obscures  the  noble  outlines  of  his  subject. 

In  addition  to  these  defects,  the  vocabulary,  which  is  a 
curious  jumble  of  Milton,  Shakespeare,  and  the  Bible,  is 


170  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

singularly  lacking  in  uniformity  and  taste.  Passages  of 
sonorous  Latin  with  the  rhythm  and  grandeur  of  Paradise 
Lost  are  followed  by  an  echo  from  the  Elizabethan  stews; 
or,  again,  a  whole  speech  like  Horatio's  on  breaking  up  the 
watch  or  Perdita's  flower  catalogue  is  reflected  on  a  Jewish 
canvas  bordered  with  nineteenth  century  commonplaces. 
The  effect  of  these  anachronisms  is  seldom  pleasant. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  technical  absurdity,  incongruous  phras- 
ing, and  even  syntactical  irregularity,  the  poem  has  many 
notable  excellencies.  Its  great  expanse  is  invested  with  an 
atmosphere  of  gloom  and  horror  unparalleled  except  in  the 
work  of  the  masters.  Though  every  reader  will  acknowledge 
the  effect  of  the  trilogy  with  its  burden  of  dread,  he  will  be 
attracted  by  several  other  features.  The  insight  with  which 
the  king's  madness  is  developed  is  often  admirable.  The 
flux  and  reflux  of  his  emotions  are  portrayed  with  sympathy 
and  acumen.  As  in  Paradise  Lost,  the  passages  which  linger 
in  the  memory  are  the  great  soliloquies  and  descriptions, 
which  are  lightened  by  a  vigorous  imagination  that  seems  to 
transcend  the  bonds  of  time  and  space.  Saul's  monologue 
after  his  consecration,  as  he  watches  the  placid  cattle  grazing 
in  the  distance,  and  his  apostrophe  to  death  can  never  be 
forgotten.  Even  more  compelling  are  the  similitudes.  In 
some  cases  these  are  mere  metaphysical  conceits.  In  most, 
however,  the  images  are  notably  suggestive.  Though  un- 
pleasant, morbid,  and  even  repulsive,  they  are  always 
striking.  Nothing  can  be  more  illuminating  than  Saul's 
picture  of  man 

Flying  before  the  hounds  of  circumstance 
Adown  the  windy  gullies  of  this  life  — 

nothing  more  awe-inspiring  than  the  scene  where 

One 
Broad  flash  of  lightning  quivered  from  the  clouds, 
And  hung  above  us,  glaring  like  the  eye 
Of  God  dread  gazing  on  us  in  his  wrath  — 


CHARLES  HEAVYSEGE  171 

nothing  more  indicative  of  the  relentlessness  of  conscience 
than  the  knowledge  that 

Recollection 
Will  stick  like  smut  upon  one's  memory  — 

nothing  more  realistic  than  evil  thoughts 

Rank  and  black  like  summer  flies  on  ordure. 

The  force  of  these  extracts,  which  may  be  duplicated  at 
will,  shows  how  dangerous  is  Arnold's  theory  of  literary 
touchstones.  It  is  easy  to  select  numerous  lines  to  sustain 
Heavysege's  title  to  greatness.  In  a  letter  written  after  the 
publication  of  the  drama  Longfellow  remarked,  "  I  have 
never  seen  Saul,  but  the  passages  given  in  the  foreign  re- 
views struck  me  as  very  fine."  With  this  judgment  few  will 
disagree.  When  the  work  is  considered  as  a  unit,  however, 
frankness  demands  dissent  from  current  opinion.  Though 
a  curious  poem,  Saul  is  not  a  great  drama. 

Its  sources  have  already  been  indicated.  Milton,  Shake- 
speare, and  the  Bible  were  Heavysege's  only  teachers.  To 
them  he  was  indebted  for  mood,  form,  and  material.  It  is 
doubtful  if  he  was  familiar  with  earlier  attempts  to  give  the 
Saul  motif  a  dramatic  garb.  It  is  even  doubtful  if  he  was 
aware  of  the  prevalence  of  biblical  themes  among  Canadian 
poetasters.  In  genesis  and  possibly  in  execution  Saul  be- 
longs to  the  literature  of  Great  Britain. 

Though  Heavysege  was  probably  uninfluenced  in  this 
case  by  any  transatlantic  echoes  of  the  Hebrew  Melodies,  he 
tried  to  adapt  himself  to  the  popular  taste  in  his  next  drama, 
Count  Felippo;  or  the  Unequal  Marriage  (i860),  which  is 
based  on  a  tale  of  Italian  intrigue.  It  is  technically  superior 
to  Saul,  but  the  action  is  uninteresting  and  the  character- 
ization improbable.  The  play,  which  was  frankly  criticized 
by  Taylor  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  has  never  added  to  the 
author's  reputation. 

In  it,  however,  Heavysege  learned  several  valuable  lessons 
which  he  turned  to  good  account  in  Jephthah's  Daughter 


172  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

(1865),  a  biblical  theme  which  had  already  been  utilized  by 
a  writer  in  the  Garland.  This  narrative,  which  was  pub- 
lished at  Montreal  and  London,  is  the  most  artistic  of  his 
poems.  Though  it  lacks  the  gloomy  massiveness  of  Saul,  it 
is  more  finished,  more  regular,  and  more  sustained.  Unlike 
Saul  also  it  is  full  of  dramatic  feeling.  The  daughter's  joy  at 
her  father's  victorious  return  and  his  paroxysm  of  grief  are 
portrayed  with  indubitable  skill.  The  diction,  moreover, 
is  admirably  suited  to  its  purpose.  When  Jephthah  beseeches 
the  Almighty  to  succor  him  as  he  succored  Abraham,  his 
despair  is  reflected  in  the  answering  echo  of 

The  hoarse,  bough-bending  wind, 
The  hill  wolf  howling  on  the  neighboring  height, 
And  bittern  booming  in  the  vale  below. 

Yet  these  descriptive  touches  are  surpassed  by  the  subtle 
analysis  of  the  daughter's  emotions.    Her  first  appeal, 

O  think  how  hard  it  is  to  die  when  young! 
To  leave  the  light;  to  leave  the  sun  and  moon; 
To  leave  the  earth  and  glory  of  the  heavens, 

ranks  with  the  noblest  and  most  impassioned  verse  of  the 
century.  There  is  infinite  pathos  in  the  lines  where  she 
turns  to  take  leave  of  her  maidens: 

Now  is  the  burden  of  it  all  no  more. 
No  more  shall,  wandering,  we  go  gather  flowers, 
Nor  tune  our  voices  by  the  river's  brink, 
Nor  in  the  grotto  fountain  cool  our  limbs. 

More  pathetic,  because  more  natural,  is  her  instinctive  de- 
lay when  the  priests  enter  for  their  victim: 

Hark!  how  the  wood  awakes,  and  starts  to  sing 
A  solemn  anthem,  and  remotely  hums 
The  mellow  tumbling  of  the  water-fall. 
All  beats  with  life,  all  yet  is  youthful  and 
Rejoicing  in  the  strength  of  coming  days. 

This,  as  the  Athenaeum  said  at  the  time  of  publication,  is 
"  great  art."    "  From  the  opening  to  the  closing  line,"  added 


CHARLES  HEAVYSEGE  1 73 

Taylor  a  little  later  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  "  the  reader  is 
lifted  to  the  level  of  the  tragic  theme  and  inspired,  as  in  the 
Greek  tragedy,  with  a  pity  which  makes  lovely  the  element 
of  terror." 

Whether  Heavysege  was  indebted  to  the  Greek  tragedians 
is  problematical.  Since  he  refers  to  Agamemnon  in  the 
opening  lines,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  influ- 
enced by  the  story  of  Iphigenia.  In  fact,  shortly  after  Saul 
was  published  he  borrowed  an  English  translation  of  Eurip- 
ides from  a  fellow  poet,  John  Reade.  The  knowledge  of  the 
old  legend  thus  secured  doubtless  explains  the  atmosphere. 

Aside  from  several  lines  which  are  imitated  from  Tenny- 
son's Morte  d' Arthur  and  a  few  Elizabethan  anachronisms, 
there  is  little  to  mar  the  solemn  dignity  of  the  narrative  as 
it  moves  with  stately  rhythm  to  its  climax.  The  chief  weak- 
nesses of  the  tale  are  a  lack  of  proportion  and  a  tendency 
towards  declamation.  Heavysege's  garrulousness,  which 
attenuates  the  action  of  Saul,  occasionally  leads  him  into 
manifest  absurdities.  In  addition,  the  links  between  speeches 
are  often  rough  and  disjointed.  But  in  spite  of  these  flaws 
Jephthali's  Daughter  is  a  remarkable  achievement. 

With  it  were  published  twenty  short  poems  reprinted 
from  an  earlier  collection  of  sonnets  (1854).  Though  full  of 
powerful  images,  they  are  uneven  in  workmanship  and  of 
little  importance.    The  most  striking  is  the  stanza, 

The  stars  are  glittering  in  the  frosty  sky, 

which  has  been  often  quoted. 

The  rest  of  Heavysege's  work  may  be  quickly  dismissed. 
Aside  from  his  Shakespearean  Tercentenary  Ode  (1864),  which 
is  utterly  worthless,  his  most  ambitious  venture  is  Jezebel 
(1867),  a  biblical  poem  in  three  cantos  which  has  never  been 
read.  Other  poems  are  The  Owl  (1864),  a  direct  imitation  of 
"The  Raven,"  and  The  Dark  Huntsman,  of  which  the  paral- 
lelism, possibly  the  result  of  scriptural  reading,  is  another 
point  of  contact  with  Poe.    With  the  exception  of  Tennyson 


174  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

he  is  probably  the  only  modern  poet  to  whom  Heavysege  is 
at  all  indebted.  Their  interest  in  the  morbid,  the  super- 
natural, and  the  terrible  —  points  which  doubtless  com- 
mended Saul  to  Hawthorne  and  Patmore  —  inevitably  leads 
to  comparison. 

Altogether  Heavysege  is  an  interesting  figure.  Born  at 
Liverpool,  of  Yorkshire  parentage,  he  was  forced  to  leave 
school  at  the  age  of  nine  to  earn  his  livelihood  at  an  humble 
trade.  After  seeing  Macbeth,  which  inspired  him  with 
enthusiasm  for  the  stage,  he  begged  a  few  pence  from  his 
mother  to  purchase  a  cheap  edition  of  Shakespeare.  This 
little  volume,  regarded  by  his  parents  as  immoral,  became 
his  dearest  companion.  Henceforth  the  moments  that  could 
be  filched  after  a  working  day  of  ten  or  thirteen  hours  were 
devoted  to  practice  in  composition.  All  his  early  poems 
except  TJie  Revolt  of  Tartarus  (1852),  a  turgid  production  in 
blank  verse,  were  destroyed.  Influenced  probably  by  its 
failure,  Heavysege,  burdened  with  a  large  family,  emigrated 
to  Montreal,  where  the  remaining  years  of  his  life  were  spent 
in  honorable  endeavor. 

Since  he  accomplished  much  under  disheartening  con- 
ditions, it  seems  uncharitable  to  emphasize  the  defects  of 
education  and  character  which  militated  against  his  success. 
That  this  has  not  been  done  with  sufficient  frankness  is  rea- 
son why  it  should  be  essayed.  According  to  trustworthy 
accounts  Heavysege,  who  read  little,  even  in  the  poets,  was 
a  man  of  few  ideas.  What  he  had  he  was  inclined  to  over- 
rate. Since  he  wrote  with  painful  slowness,  every  phrase 
seemed  of  peculiar  value.  As  a  result,  he  never  sacrificed  a 
line  without  protest.  When  revising  Saul  he  refused  to 
consider  the  suggestions  of  the  students  in  Montreal  who 
protested  against  its  lack  of  proportion.  This  attitude  of 
superiority,  due  to  his  ignorance  and  his  belief  in  his  mission, 
was,  as  I  have  shown,  accentuated  by  exaggerated  praise. 
Under  it  the  petulance  of  his  nature  became  painfully  ap- 
parent.   His  references  to  lack  of  appreciation  are  hardly  in 


CHARLES  HEAVYSEGE  1 75 

keeping  with  the  facts.  He  was  an  honorary  member  of  the 
Montreal  Literary  Club,  which  numbered  among  its  sup- 
porters such  eminent  men  as  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee,  Sir 
William  Logan,  and  Sir  John  William  Dawson.  The  cost  of 
the  second  edition  of  Saul  was  borne  by  a  fellow  member, 
George  Martin,  author  of  Marguerite  and  Other  Poems,  who 
could  ill  afford  the  expenditure.  Even  more  important  than 
mere  financial  aid  were  the  sympathy  and  intelligent  criti- 
cism he  received  from  his  associates.  Though  much  valuable 
advice  was  rejected,  the  success  of  Jephthah's  Daughter,  on 
which  his  reputation  must  eventually  rest,  is  largely  due 
to  the  fact  that  it  was  revised  by  a  capable  scholar,  S.  E. 
Dawson.  Yet  for  all  these  favors  Heavysege  appears  to  have 
been  singularly  unappreciative.  The  lack  of  taste  shown  in 
his  attitude  towards  his  contemporaries  is  reflected  in  his 
verse.    This  lack  is  its  chief  weakness. 

His  vanity  of  authorship,  to  which  I  have  referred,  also 
hampered  him.  Through  it  he  was  led  to  attempt  a  literary 
career.  For  nearly  twenty  years  on  the  Transcript  and  later 
on  the  Witness  he  wasted  his  energy  in  a  profession  for  which 
he  was  unsuited.  There  is  something  pitiable  in  the  picture 
of  a  man  already  past  his  prime  turning  aside  from  the  car- 
penter's bench  to  the  reporter's  desk.  His  lack  of  facility  in 
composition  must  have  told  heavily  on  his  health.  Yet  it  is 
doubtful  whether,  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances, 
he  could  have  added  anything  of  value  to  Saul  and  Jeph- 
thah's  Daughter.  With  them  his  work  was  done.  If  proof  of 
his  lack  of  literary  skill  be  required,  it  is  to  be  found  in  The 
Advocate,  a  Novel  (1865),  an  attempt  to  take  advantage  of 
the  vogue  created  by  Richardson  and  Mrs.  Leprohon.  This 
tale  of  Montreal  at  the  beginning  of  the  century  is  the  worst 
of  the  notoriously  bad  novels  written  in  the  Dominion.  It 
shows  how  impossible  it  would  have  been  for  Heavysege  to 
succeed  in  the  world  of  letters. 

In  view  of  these  facts  it  is  surely  time  to  protest  against 
the  morbid  interest  with  which  his  life  has  been  invested. 


176  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

From  the  hour  that  Bayard  Taylor  visited  him  at  his  car- 
penter's bench  there  has  been  a  tradition  in  criticism  which 
is  far  from  healthy.  That  an  ignorant  mechanic  should  be 
able  to  write  a  vast  poem  which  has  the  accent  of  greatness, 
though  the  words  themselves  are  crude,  has  led  to  over- 
estimation  of  Saul.  I  yield  to  no  one  in  my  admiration  for 
Heavysege's  high  ideals  and  noble  endeavors.  I  can  never 
look  at  his  slight  figure  bowed  by  toil,  his  large  forehead,  and 
his  luminous  eyes  without  being  affected  by  his  devotion  to 
his  art.  On  the  other  hand,  I  cannot  forget  that  a  great  poem 
requires  wide  knowledge  and  practiced  judgment,  and  that  a 
great  drama  demands  laborious  apprenticeship  and  experi- 
mental observation;  and  that  these  advantages,  in  spite  of 
his  power,  were  denied  to  the  author  of  Saul.  No  one  who  is 
interested  in  the  development  of  literary  taste  can  view  the 
common  estimate  of  Heavysege's  place  without  profound 
uneasiness. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


PAST  AND  PRESENT 


It  is  now  possible  to  review  the  progress  of  Canadian  litera- 
ture from  its  inception  in  the  eighteenth  century  to  the  union 
of  1867,  when  the  scattered  provinces  laid  the  foundation  of 
national  greatness;  to  determine  the  elements  which  have 
contributed  to  its  development;  to  record  its  chief  monu- 
ments; and  to  glance,  in  conclusion,  at  its  present  status  and 
future  prospects. 

In  what  I  have  called  the  Pre-Revolutionary  Period  it  is 
obvious  that  there  could  be  little  activity.  The  logs  of  the 
traders  are  not  extensive  or  vivacious  enough  to  be  of  merit. 
With  the  coming  of  the  Puritans,  however,  a  distinct  re- 
ligious literature  arose  in  Nova  Scotia.  Hymns,  diaries, 
pamphlets,  sermons,  and  controversial  treatises  give  evi- 
dence of  wider  interests.  As  I  have  tried  to  make  clear,  the 
writers  were  invariably  Americans,  educated  often  at  Har- 
vard College,  and  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  Puritan  ideal. 
The  literature  of  Halifax  is  thus  as  much  of  New  England  as 
that  of  Boston.  So  closely  related  were  the  two  communi- 
ties that  the  revival  under  Whiteneld  found  a  ready  echo  in 
the  New  Colony.  Under  its  stimulus  Henry  Alline  began  his 
career  as  an  evangelist  and  religious  writer.  As  a  dabbler  in 
every  form  attempted  by  his  countrymen,  he  stands  pre- 
eminent as  the  representative  of  Puritanism  in  Nova  Scotia. 

While  an  indigenous  literature  which  has  helped  to  shape 
Canadian  ideals  was  thus  developing  by  the  Atlantic,  a  few 
English  people  at  Quebec  maintained  their  interest  in  lit- 
erary affairs;  but  the  novels  of  Mrs.  Brooke  and  the  essays 
of  Maseres,  unlike  the  hymns  of  Alline,  were  as  exotic  as 


177 


178  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

their  authors,  and  disappeared  without  leaving  any  trace  on 
the  life  of  the  province  where  they  were  written. 

The  English  society  of  Quebec  was  completely  absorbed 
by  the  Loyalist  tide  which  beat  upon  the  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  Like  the  Puritan  settlers,  the  new  immigrants 
were  predominantly  American.  To  anyone  familiar  with 
the  history  of  the  Old  Colonies  the  names  cited  from  time  to 
time  will  recall  all  that  is  noblest  in  the  civilization  of  New 
England.  The  descendants  of  the  men  who  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  its  literature  —  Mather,  Sewell,  Hutchinson  —  were 
to  be  found  among  the  Loyalist  refugees.  An  examination 
of  the  records  of  several  thousand  families  shows  conclu- 
sively that  the  New  Colonies,  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution, 
were  even  more  American  than  the  Old.  The  founders  of 
the  Puritan  settlements  in  Nova  Scotia  traced  their  ancestry 
to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  The  man  who  established  the 
Loyalist  centre  of  Shelburne  was  the  great-grandson  of  the 
first-born  of  New  England.  There  is  in  fact  scarcely  a  family 
of  old  American  stock  from  Mather  to  Emerson  which 
achieved  distinction  before  or  after  Bunker  Hill  that  is  not 
represented  in  the  Canadian  Provinces.  So  strong  was  the 
invasion  that  it  readily  absorbed  the  English  communities 
of  Quebec. 

The  American  character  which  the  population  had  as- 
sumed during  the  Pre-Revolutionary  Era  thus  became  un- 
alterably fixed.  Everything  points  to  the  fact  that  there 
was  no  social  or  temperamental  cleavage  after  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  Independence.  The  society  of  Boston  and  New 
York  was  merely  transferred  to  Halifax,  where  it  existed 
intact  until  the  close  of  the  period  under  consideration. 
Moreover,  all  records  show  that  the  people  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  the  Canadas  were  proud  of  their  origin.  Their  chief 
boast,  reechoed  again  and  again  in  their  letters  and  diaries, 
is  the  claim  that  they  rather  than  their  former  countrymen 
represented  the  highest  traditions  of  American  culture. 
Since  this  spirit  was  carried  into  the  press,  the  assembly,  the 


PAST  AND  PRESENT  1 79 

college,  and  the  church,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  American 
elements  of  society  became  supreme. 

In  view  of  this  supremacy  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that 
the  literature  of  the  Loyalists,  like  that  of  the  Puritans, 
belongs  to  New  England.  This  observation  is  true  of  verse 
as  well  as  of  prose.  During  the  Revolutionary  Era  colonial 
poetry,  as  I  have  indicated,  was  still  dominated  by  the 
School  of  Dryden,  Pope,  and  Churchill.  It  was  American 
only  in  material.  Though  the  Loyalist  poets  never  achieved 
artistic  independence,  several  of  them  occasionally  hit  upon 
lines  which  are  superior  to  those  of  all  their  contemporaries 
except  Freneau.  In  satiric  force  and  pathos  they  surpass 
the  achievements  of  their  antagonists.  The  most  remark- 
able aspect  of  their  poetry  is  a  passionate  love  of  their  native 
land.  As  the  religious  verse  of  Acadia  occasionally  excels 
that  of  Massachusetts  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Puritan 
spirit,  so  the  Loyalist  poetry  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
Brunswick  occasionally  excels  that  of  Connecticut  and  New 
Hampshire  in  the  expression  of  local  attachment. 

Loyalist  prose  is  even  more  saturated  with  the  love  of 
American  scenes  and  institutions.  What  brought  the 
refugees  back  from  London  to  the  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia,  the 
shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  wilds  of  Upper  Canada 
was  their  inability  to  adjust  their  habits  of  life  and  thought 
to  new  conditions.  The  march  of  generations  had  made  them 
foreigners.  Thus  it  came  that  they  were  glad  to  spend  their 
last  days  in  an  undeveloped  country  from  which  they  could 
look  across  the  Border  to  their  old  homes,  "where  the  grapes 
grew  wild  in  the  woods."  In  letter,  diary,  and  history  the 
spirit  of  reminiscence  is  always  apparent.  Among  the 
writers  of  memoirs  I  have  mentioned  the  principal  types. 
The  gentlemen  who  served  as  officers  of  loyal  battalions  left 
nothing  of  literary  merit.  The  disconnected  record  of 
Allaire  and  the  narrative  of  Moody,  which  may  be  accepted 
as  representative,  belong  to  the  province  of  the  historian. 
Similarly,  the  apologies  of  partisan  leaders  like  Fanning  may 


180  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

be  quickly  dismissed.  All  that  is  left  are  the  memorials  of 
the  collegians  who  were  drawn  into  the  vortex.  Of  these  the 
most  prolific  is  Jacob  Bailey.  The  great  volume  of  his  work, 
constituting  an  intelligent  and  illuminating  commentary  on 
the  whole  era,  makes  him  an  interesting  figure.  Like  many 
others  he  dabbled  in  colonial  history,  which  had  always  been 
hospitably  regarded  in  New  England.  If  further  evidence 
of  the  connection  of  Loyalist  prose  with  that  of  the  Old 
Colonies  be  required,  it  maybe  found  in  the  fact  that  William 
Smith,  last  Chief  Justice  of  New  York  under  the  Crown, 
formulated  a  plan  for  their  union  which  corresponds  with 
the  Constitution  afterwards  adopted. 

Since  the  Scotch  communities,  owing  to  their  lack  of  edu- 
cation, contributed  nothing  but  the  folklore  of  their  native 
hills  to  the  literature  of  the  Dominion,  the  Puritan  and 
Loyalist  stream  surged  through  the  channels  of  the  press 
into  all  the  provinces  of  the  East.  The  devotion  of  the  early 
settlers  to  the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  was 
faithfully  seconded  by  the  majority  of  the  refugees,  many  of 
whom  had  been  bitterly  opposed  to  the  coercive  measures  of 
the  king.  Though  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  colonial  inde- 
pendence, they  had  balked  at  rebellion.  Belonging  to  the 
more  conservative  classes,  they  naturally  felt  that  difficulties 
could  be  adjusted  without  bloodshed  and  disruption.  Con- 
trary to  opinion  in  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  the 
Revolution  failed  to  soften  the  attitude  of  the  Mother 
Country  towards  the  remaining  colonies.  Under  the  Com- 
pacts the  liberties  of  the  people  were  curtailed  as  never 
before,  and  the  descendants  of  the  men  who  had  made  New 
England  were  confronted  by  the  task  of  adjustment  and 
reconciliation  in  which  their  fathers  had  failed.  At  this 
moment  Joseph  Howe,  whose  family  represents  the  "  dis- 
sidence  of  dissent"  in  England  and  America  and  the  quin- 
tessence of  loyalty  in  Massachusetts  and  Nova  Scotia,  rose 
up  to  harmonize  the  antagonistic  principles  of  autonomy 
and  racial  affiliation.   Under  his  guidance  emerged  a  litera- 


PAST  AND  PRESENT  l8l 

ture  of  which  the  effects  at  Ypres  and  Mons  have  already 
changed  the  course  of  history.  The  greatest  journalist,  the 
greatest  orator,  and,  in  several  respects,  the  greatest  master 
of  prose  Canada  has  yet  produced  —  one  of  the  heartening 
figures  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  —  is  thus  the  product  of  the 
Puritan  and  Loyalist  elements  of  society. 

As  "  Nova  Scotia  incarnate  "  he  inspired  every  writer  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces.  Among  the  members  of  The  Club 
whose  books  he  published  the  most  illustrious  is  Thomas 
Chandler  Haliburton.  As  Howe  represents  the  full  out- 
flowering  of  the  pure  New  England  spirit  unperturbed  by 
the  calamity  of  the  past,  his  greatest  contemporary  repre- 
sents the  inevitable  reaction  against  excess.  Though  many 
of  the  latter's  ideas  may  seem  at  odds  with  his  American 
parentage,  every  phase  of  his  work  attests  the  force  of  his 
environment.  Sam  Slick  could  come  from  nowhere  but  New 
England.  Like  Howe,  to  whom  he  owes  his  fame,  Hali- 
burton is  essentially  American. 

The  satiric  tradition,  a  Revolutionary  heritage  common 
to  the  people  of  Acadia  and  Massachusetts,  also  flourished 
in  the  Canadas.  There,  unfortunately,  no  Haliburton  arose 
to  carry  it  to  fulfillment.  The  most  salient  figure  is  Fleet, 
whose  Cacona  is  one  of  the  few  satires  on  colonial  administra- 
tion. Though  superior  in  technique,  it  does  not  differ  in  aim 
from  the  skits  of  the  Revolutionary  Period.  Better  or 
worse,  it  serves  to  illustrate  the  indebtedness  of  the  Western 
Provinces  to  the  Old  Colonies. 

In  history  there  is  similar  continuity.  When  the  Loyalists 
left  their  homes  in  New  York  and  Boston,  they  carried  with 
them  a  taste  for  chronicle.  It  is  natural,  then,  to  find  Smith 
completing  his  father's  History  of  New  York  and  afterwards 
turning  to  the  History  of  Canada. 

Later  periodical  literature,  it  is  true,  owed  much  to  men 
and  women  of  Old  Country  birth  and  education,  but  the 
magazines  they  founded  are  remembered  through  the  names 
of  the  native  Canadians  who  contributed  to  their  columns. 


1 82  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Though  Mrs.  Moodie  has  won  a  corner  in  the  literature  of 
the  Dominion,  her  work  is  less  significant  than  that  of 
Richardson.  Coming  from  a  family  accustomed  for  genera- 
tions to  the  perils  of  the  Frontier,  and  familiar  from  boyhood 
with  the  most  stirring  incidents  of  Canadian  history,  he  is 
fully  as  American  as  Cooper,  to  whom  he  was  obviously 
indebted.  The  historical  romance  in  Canada  from  the  tales 
of  Richardson  and  Mrs.  Leprohon  to  Le  Chien  d'Or  and  the 
early  stories  of  Sir  Gilbert  Parker  is  thus  closely  connected 
with  the  literature  of  the  United  States. 

The  most  intimate  records  of  travel  and  exploration  are 
also  characteristically  American.  The  great  figures,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  Scotchmen  in  birth  and  sentiment,  and 
their  work  must  be  considered  part  of  the  contribution  of 
Scotland  to  the  life  of  the  Pre-Confederation  Era. 

In  science  and  scholarship  also  the  influence  of  Edinburgh 
replaced  for  a  time  the  attachment  to  Harvard.  This  de- 
velopment, however,  was  necessarily  transient,  and  Gesner, 
Logan,  and  Dawson  found  themselves  increasingly  domi- 
nated by  the  force  of  their  environment. 

When  a  student  turns  from  prose  to  verse,  he  will  find  that 
force  again  preeminent.  Though  the  Classical  School  was 
English  in  origin,  it  came  into  Canada  through  New  Eng- 
land, and  retained  a  certain  vitality  long  after  it  had  fallen 
into  disrepute  in  the  Mother  Country.  Unlike  the  historical 
romance,  which  passed  through  a  similar  transmigration,  it 
did  not  leave  any  easily  defined  trace  on  the  literature  of  the 
Dominion.  Nor  did  the  School  of  Byron,  which  flourished 
even  more  profusely,  achieve  any  greater  measure  of  suc- 
cess. Both  tendencies  owe  their  importance  to  their  effect 
on  the  poetry  of  Sangster.  On  the  other  hand,  McLachlan 
and  Heavysege,  who  accomplished  more  than  the  followers 
of  Goldsmith  or  Byron,  can  claim  even  less  attention  in  an 
historic  review.  The  Classical  School  as  the  source  of  Cana- 
dian poetry  and  the  link  between  Massachusetts  and  Nova 
Scotia  is  the  most  salient  fact  in  its  evolution. 


PAST  AND  PRESENT  1 83 

With  this  summary  in  mind  it  will  not  be  difficult  to 
determine  the  elements  which  have  contributed  to  the 
development  of  Canadian  literature.  It  is  plain  that  the 
foundations  in  prose  and  verse  were  laid  by  the  Puritan  and 
Loyalist  settlers  of  New  England.  In  the  next  generation 
under  Howe  and  Haliburton  the  literary  forms  prevalent 
in  the  United  States  were  as  highly  developed  in  the  Mari- 
time Provinces.  Even  in  the  Canadas,  where  conditions  were 
less  favorable,  the  same  tendency  is  apparent.  In  history 
the  corner  stones  were  also  laid  by  the  sons  of  Loyalists.  The 
romance  too,  in  spite  of  Mrs.  Moodie's  popularity,  owes  its 
origin  to  Richardson,  who  came  of  French,  Scotch,  and 
Loyalist  stock. 

The  classic  of  the  fur  trade  was  written  by  a  New  Eng- 
lander,  and  the  discoveries  utilized  by  Dawson  were  made 
by  Gesner  and  Logan,  both  of  Loyalist  birth.  Though 
Goldsmith  was  a  grandnephew  of  the  author  of  The  Deserted 
Village,  he  was  regarded  as  the  son  of  a  refugee  and,  like 
Sangster,  was  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  Loyalist  Tradi- 
tion. Despite  the  large  contribution  of  Scotland,  to  which 
I  have  tried  to  give  due  weight,  the  elements  which  have 
determined  the  progress  of  Canadian  literature  have  been 
distinctively  American. 

Although  the  literature  of  Canada  until  the  Confedera- 
tion was  that  of  the  United  States,  and  the  background 
consequently  is  the  same,  the  political  relations  of  the 
Dominion  have  obscured  the  issue.  It  is  everywhere  as- 
sumed as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  foundations  were  laid 
by  Englishmen.  This  assumption  is  untenable:  they  were 
laid  by  men  whom  generations  in  the  New  World  had  made 
American  in  habit  and  thought.  With  the  possible  excep- 
tion of  Todd,  who  was  Canadian  in  all  but  birth,  no  English- 
man but  Heavysege  has  any  considerable  place  in  Canadian 
literature;  and  even  Heavysege's  place  is  slight  enough. 
Canada  has  never  been  a  direct  intellectual  colony  of  Eng- 
land.   Until  the  Confederation  the  literary  forces  potent  in 


1 84  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

Massachusetts  continued  unimpaired  in  the  North.      The 
literature  of  the  United  States  was  the  literature  of  Canada. 

Such  parallelism  must  inevitably  lead  to  a  comparison 
between  the  Republic  and  the  Dominion;  but  it  should  not 
be  forgotten  that,  from  a  material  point  of  view,  no  com- 
parison is  possible.  Though  the  literary  schools  of  Boston 
and  New  York  were  duplicated  in  Halifax  and  Montreal, 
there  was  no  duplication  of  opportunity.  On  one  side  were 
a  score  of  prosperous  communities  with  a  strong  central 
government;  on  the  other,  a  few  sparsely  settled  provinces 
without  political  affiliation.  In  density  of  population  and 
material  advancement  British  North  America  at  the  Con- 
federation must  be  compared  with  the  American  Colonies  of 
1775.  In  estimating  its  literary  attainment  it  is  unfair  to 
contrast  it  with  the  United  States  of  its  own  time. 

Nevertheless,  the  chief  monuments  in  prose  and  verse 
do  not  require  apology.  Although  the  Puritan  and  Loy- 
alist eras  in  Canada,  as  in  the  United  States,  did  not  pro- 
duce a  master,  a  careful  selection  from  the  early  writers 
would  lead  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  sources  of 
Canadian  thought.  No  one  who  desires  to  know  its  spirit 
should  overlook  the  work  of  Howe,  which  should  be  made 
available  in  more  satisfactory  form.  The  Clockmaker,  rep- 
resentative of  the  satiric  tradition  and  Haliburton  at  his 
best,  should  also  be  added.  Fleet's  Cacona  gives  a  fair  idea 
of  the  same  trend  in  the  Canadas.  Because  it  never  became 
literature,  history  may  be  discarded.  As  the  Nova  Scotian, 
comparable  in  its  influence  to  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  at  once 
suggests  the  name  of  Howe,  so  the  Literary  Garland  suggests 
the  names  of  Mrs.  Moodie,  Richardson,  and  Mrs.  Leprohon. 
Roughing  It  re-creates  as  nothing  else  the  lives  of  the  English 
settlers.  Of  Richardson's  romances  Wacousta  stands  pre- 
eminent. Since  its  author  is  the  only  writer  of  Indian  stories 
except  Cooper  whose  tales  have  retained  their  appeal,  it 
has  special  interest  for  students  of  American  literature.  To 
it  may  be  added  Mrs.  Leprohon 's  The  Manor  House  of  De 


PAST  AND  PRESENT  1 85 

Villerai.  Turning  to  records  of  exploration,  a  reader  will  nat- 
urally select  Henry's  Travels.  In  verse  the  schools  of  Gold- 
smith and  Byron  are  hardly  worthy  of  mention.  As  the  first 
volume  of  poetry  to  be  published  in  England  and  Canada, 
The  Rising  Village  has  a  small  niche  as  a  memorial  of  Loy- 
alist endeavor,  but  it,  with  the  poems  of  Kidd,  Hawley,  and 
others,  cannot  be  included  in  this  category.  From  Sang- 
ster's  work  and  even  from  McLachlan's,  however,  a  few 
poems  should  be  made  accessible.  With  Heavysege's  Jeph- 
thah's  Daughter  these  documents  would  give  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  chief  aspects  of  Canadian  literature  in  the  Pre- 
Confederation  Period. 

The  significant  fact  of  the  era  is  that  the  material  of  prose 
and  verse,  which  was  at  first  American,  afterwards  became 
Canadian.  What  I  have  styled  the  Age  of  Reminiscence 
gave  way  to  the  Age  of  Curiosity.  Under  its  stimulus  the 
literature  of  Canada  was  directed  towards  the  channels  in 
which  it  still  flows. 

Every  phase  of  its  activity  as  a  legal  unit  originated  before 
1867.  Under  Sangster,  who  owed  much  to  Mrs.  Moodie's 
example  and  sympathy,  the  characteristics  of  the  Canadian 
School  first  became  apparent.  Under  Mrs.  Traill  the  animal 
story  began  to  take  shape,  and  under  Richardson  and  Mrs. 
Leprohon,  one  of  French  blood,  the  other  the  wife  of  a 
French-Canadian,  the  Old  Regime  became  part  of  the  ro- 
mancer's stock  in  trade.  In  the  early  days  Jew  and  Gentile 
—  habitant  and  New  Englander  —  kept  apart.  There  was 
no  point  of  contact  between  the  races.  For  this  reason  it 
seems  advisable  to  consider  their  literature  from  separate 
points  of  view.  By  the  Confederation,  however,  the  two 
streams  had  begun  to  counteract.  It  is  even  possible  that 
the  development  of  the  romance  in  Quebec  may  be  due  to 
the  forces  which  operated  in  the  case  of  Richardson  and 
Mrs.  Leprohon.  Henceforth  at  any  rate  the  literature  of 
Quebec  must  be  considered  in  any  intelligent  survey  of  that 
of  Canada.    The  Confederation,  therefore,  is  a  symbol  of 


1 86  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

national  coalescence.  With  it  arose  what  may  be  called  a 
Canadian  literature.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  an  Ottawa 
schoolboy,  like  his  cousin  in  Washington,  reads  in  school 
and  college  the  masterpieces  of  Great  Britain,  many  of  which 
are  a  common  racial  heritage,  certain  regional  forces  un- 
doubtedly tend  towards  differentiation.  Industrial  emanci- 
pation from  the  United  States  is  being  paralleled  in  the  realm 
of  thought.  That  the  influence  of  the  Republic  is  still  strong 
is  obvious  to  any  observer.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  folly  to 
talk,  as  do  the  magazine  discoverers  of  the  North,  of  the 
Americanization  of  Canada.  Until  the  last  wave  of  immi- 
gration over  ninety  per  cent  of  the  English-speaking  people 
were  of  American  birth,  and  more  American  historically 
than  those  to  the  south.  Temperamental  divergences  be- 
tween the  two  peoples  are  due  to  a  more  rapid  departure  of 
the  Republic  from  the  early  New  England  norm.  The 
British  North  America  Act  stands  at  the  crossroads. 

The  political  relationship  indicated  by  the  name  has,  as 
I  have  intimated,  obscured  the  question  of  intellectual 
origin.  Loyalty  to  the  imperial  idea  has  undoubtedly  led  to 
confusion  at  home  and  abroad.  In  that  it  has  pointed  to  the 
past  instead  of  the  future  it  has  narrowed  the  outlook  of  the 
Canadian  people  and  retarded  their  spiritual  development 
fully  as  much  as  the  Revolutionary  Tradition  in  the  United 
States  has  hampered  its  cultural  advancement.  In  recent 
decades  a  new  attitude  has  emerged.  After  due  allowance 
has  been  made  for  conventional  superciliousness,  it  will  be 
found  that  Loyalist  sentiment  has  been  purged  of  much  of 
the  dross.  As  the  Boston  Massacre,  which  I  once  heard 
Professor  Barrett  Wendell  refer  to  as  the  result  of  "  an 
attack  by  a  gang  of  drunken  rowdies,"  is  now  a  beacon  light 
of  patriotism,  so  the  standard  of  honor  and  devotion  which 
has  been  handed  down  from  father  to  son  in  Canada  for  five 
generations  is  not  to  be  dispraised.  Recent  events,  more- 
over, have  tended  to  destroy  the  provincialism  and  sensi- 
tiveness of  a  young  and  untried  community.    It  is  even 


PAST  AND  PRESENT  1 87 

possible  that  the  glare  of  battle  may  dispel  the  obscurity 
with  which  legal  anomalies  have  invested  the  problem  of 
sources. 

What  the  future  has  in  store  no  one  can  tell.  The  years 
following  the  Confederation  gave  to  the  Dominion  a  group 
of  poets  who  brought  to  their  native  country  distinction 
little  short  of  that  achieved  by  the  United  States.  By  the 
end  of  the  century  this  poetic  impulse  was  obliterated  by  an 
increase  of  wealth  which  destroyed  all  sense  of  values.  Since 
then  no  literary  movement  of  importance  has  been  dis- 
cernible. Participation  in  the  Great  War,  however,  and  the 
self-sacrifice  voluntarily  made  to  preserve  the  freedom  of  the 
world  —  a  sacrifice  from  which  no  material  gain  can  be  de- 
rived —  promise  better  things.  No  one  who  has  been 
in  Canada  during  the  last  five  or  six  years  can  have  any 
fear  for  the  future  of  the  Canadian  people.  What  their  lit- 
erature will  be  I  am  not  rash  enough  to  predict.  Until  1867 
it  was  American  in  its  lack  of  color,  its  lack  of  imagina- 
tion, and  its  lack  of  artistry.  Since  then  it  has  been  Cana- 
dian. Today  the  Dominion,  unlike  the  United  States, 
possesses  a  perpetual  frontier.  Its  problems  are  rural  rather 
than  urban,  and  its  literature  has  all  the  freshness  and 
sanity  of  the  open.  Though  it  is  thus  essentially  American, 
it  differs  in  mood  from  the  work  of  men  born  and  educated 
in  the  South.  The  novel  of  Philadelphia  and  New  York  has, 
and  can  have,  no  counterpart  in  Montreal  or  Toronto.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  writers  of  Great  Britain,  in  spite  of  the 
increasing  sympathy  between  the  Dominion  and  the  Mother 
Country  and  the  mutual  desire  to  work  out  their  destiny  in 
common,  do  not  affect  Canadian  men  of  letters  to  any  notice- 
able extent.  It  would  be  absurd  to  think  of  a  Shaw  or  a 
Wells  in  the  Maritime  Provinces  or  Ontario.  During  the 
last  fifty  years,  in  which  belles-lettres  have  become  possible, 
the  writers  who  made  their  mark  came  from  old  American 
stock  or  from  the  Scotch  strain.  Mr.  Bliss  Carman  and  Mr. 
Roberts  on  the  one  side  and  Wilfred  Campbell  on  the  other 


1 88  ENGLISH-CANADIAN  LITERATURE 

remind  one  of  the  two  elements,  not  yet  entirely  fused, 
which  combine  to  give  Canadian  society  its  intellectual  vigor. 
The  strangers  who  have  made  their  homes  in  the  Dominion 
have  contributed  nothing  of  significance.  Whether  they  will 
affect  the  evolution  of  its  literature  awaits  an  answer.  Al- 
ready, however,  the  centre  is  shifting  westward.  The  suprem- 
acy of  Toronto,  the  home  of  the  great  publishing  houses, 
will  some  day  be  contested  by  Winnipeg,  where  East  and 
West  meet.  Even  now  there  are  signs  of  a  literary  revival 
on  the  prairies.  Whether  it  will  deepen  the  nationalistic 
groove  which  I  have  been  following,  or  whether  it  will 
assume  the  characteristics  of  a  Continental  or  a  world  lit- 
erature in  English,  of  which  there  are  many  indications,  it 
seems  certain  that  the  prose  and  verse  of  Canada  will  re- 
tain the  health  and  purity  which  have  distinguished  them 
in  the  past. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Since  the  History  is  based  on  an  examination  of  nearly  three 
thousand  books,  pamphlets,  periodicals,  newspapers,  and  manu- 
scripts, few  of  which  are  accessible  to  the  general  readerf  a  com- 
plete bibliography  seems  out  of  place.  Enumerated  below  are  a 
number  of  recent  volumes  dealing  with  the  subject  matter  of  the 
more  important  chapters.  Only  those  with  some  claim  to  dis- 
tinction are  included. 

I.     GENERAL  WORKS 

Political  History 

Bryce,  George:  A  Short  History  of  the  Canadian  People.  New  York, 
1914  (Scribners).    The  best  single  volume  on  the  subject. 

Roberts,  Charles  G.  D.:  A  History  of  Canada.  Boston,  1910  (Page). 
A  readable  text. 

Many  volumes  in  the  following  series  are  of  special  interest: 

Canada  and  its  Provinces.     2$  vols.     Toronto,  1913-14  (Glasgow, 

Brook). 
Chronicles  of  Canada.    32  vols.    Toronto,  1914-16  (Glasgow,  Brook). 
Makers  of  Canada.    21  vols.    Toronto,  1903-n  (Morang). 

Literary  History 

Edgar,  Pelham:  "English  Canadian  Literature"  in  The  Cambridge 
History  of  English  Literature,  XIV.  Cambridge,  1916  (Cambridge 
University  Press).  Scholarly  in  approach  and,  generally,  sound  in 
treatment.  Limited  to  writers  no  longer  living.  Inadequate  back- 
ground. 

Marquis,  T.  G.:  A  History  of  English  Canadian  Literature.  Toronto, 
1 913  (Glasgow,  Brook).  In  Canada  and  its  Provinces,  VI.  A 
biographical  survey  of  the  whole  field.  Especially  useful  for  the 
Post-Confederation  Period.    Without  perspective. 

In  the  case  of  individual  authors,  the  critiques  in  the  Transac- 
tions of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada  will  be  found  suggestive. 

191 


192  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Biography 

Dictionary  of  National  Biography.     66  vols.     London,   1885-1901. 

Second  Supplement.    3  vols.    London,  191 2  (Smith,  Elder).  Short 

lives  of  the  more  prominent  writers. 
Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography.    7  vols.    New  York, 

1 888- 1 900  (Apple ton).    Short  notes  regarding  many  of  the  lesser 

figures. 

Bibliography 

Horning,  Lewis  Emerson,  and  Burpee,  Lawrence  J. :  A  Bibliography 
of  Canadian  Fiction  (English).  Toronto,  1904  (Briggs).  Victoria 
University  Library  Publication  No.  2.  Limited  to  works  in  book 
form.     Biographical  data. 

James,  C.  C:  A  Bibliography  of  Canadian  Poetry  (English).  Toronto, 
1899  (Briggs).  Victoria  University  Library  Publication  No.  1. 
A  valuable  handbook  for  the  Post-Confederation  Period.  Lists  of 
anthologies  and  magazine  articles. 

Anthology 

Campbell,  Wilfred:  The  Oxford  Book  of  Canadian  Verse.  Toronto, 
1913  (Oxford  University  Press).  Characteristic  poems  from  the 
work  of  Pre-Confederation  and  Post-Confederation  writers.  In- 
discriminatively  inclusive. 

II.    SPECIAL  WORKS 

Chapter  I:  National  Consciousness 

Constitutional  History 

Adams,  George  Burton:  The  British  Empire:  and  a  League  to  Enforce 

Peace.    New  York,  1919  (Putnam).    An  illuminating  study  of  the 

relations  of  the  English-speaking  peoples. 
Riddell,  William  Ren  wick:   The  Constitution  of  Canada  in  its  History 

and  Practical  Working.   New  Haven,  191 7  (Yale  University  Press). 

A  popular  exposition  of  Canada's  status  within  the  Empire. 

Chapter  III:  The  Loyalist  Tradition 
Political  History 

Van  Tyne,  Claude  Halstead:  The  Layalists  in  the  American  Revolu- 
tion.   New  York,  1902  (Macmillan).    Thorough  and  impartial. 

Wallace,  William  Stewart:  The  United  Empire  Loyalists;  a  Chronicle 
of  the  Great  Migration.  Toronto,  1914  (Glasgow,  Brook).  In 
Chronicles  of  Canada,  XXI.    A  popular  narrative. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  193 

Literary  History 

Tyler,  Moses  Coit:  The  Literary  History  of  the  American  Revolution. 
1763-83.  2  vols.  New  York,  1897  (Putnam).  Sympathetic  and 
authoritative. 

Patterson,  Samuel  White:  The  Spirit  of  the  American  Revolution  as 
Revealed  in  the  Poetry  of  the  Period;  a  Study  of  American  Patriotic 
Verse  from  1760  to  1783.  Boston,  1915  (Badger).  A  doctoral  dis- 
sertation at  New  York  University.  Politics  in  terms  of  poetry. 
Little  of  significance. 

Chapter  III:  The  Scotch  Migration 

Literary  History 

Mackenzie,  W.  Roy:  The  Quest  of  the  Ballad.  Princeton,  1919  (Prince- 
ton University  Press).  English  and  Scottish  balladry  in  Nova 
Scotia. 

Chapter  V:  Joseph  Howe  and  the  "  Nova  Scotian  " 

Biography 

Grant,  W.  L. :  The  Tribune  of  Nova  Scotia;  a  Chronicle  of  Joseph 
Howe.  Toronto,  1 91 5  (Glasgow,  Brook).  In  Chronicles  of 'Canada, 
XXVI.    The  latest  study. 

Longley ,  J.  W. :  Joseph  Howe.  Toronto,  1904  (Morang).  In  Makers 
of  Canada,  XII.    Sincere,  though  sketchy  and  polemical. 

Chapter  VI:   Thomas  Chandler  Haliburton  and  the  Loyalist 
Tradition  in  the  Development  of  American  Humor 

Biography 

Chittick,  V.  L.  O.:  Thomas  Chandler  Haliburton:  a  Study  in  Pro- 
vincial Toryism.  New  York.  In  progress  (Columbia  University 
Press).  A  doctoral  dissertation  at  Columbia  University.  Prob- 
ably a  definitive  life. 

Chapter  XIII:  Travel  and  Exploration 

Biography 

Burpee,  Lawrence  J.:  The  Search  for  the  Western  Sea.  Toronto,  1908 
(Musson).    A  competent  resume  of  Western  exploration. 


194  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Chapter  XIX:  Past  and  Present 
Criticism 

Cappon,  James:  Roberts  and  the  Influences  of  his  Time.  Toronto,  1905 
(Briggs).  The  tendencies  of  the  Post-Confederation  Period  from  a 
literary  point  of  view. 

Lee,  H.  D.  C:  Bliss  Carman.  A  Study  in  Canadian  Poetry.  Buxton, 
191 2  (Herald).  A  doctoral  dissertation  at  the  University  of 
Rennes.  Interesting  comment  on  the  origin  and  development 
of  Canadian  poetry. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Abbott,  Joseph,  138. 
Acadian  Geology,  145. 
Acadian  Magazine,  112,  154. 
Address    on    the   Present    Condition, 

Prospects,  and  Resources  of  British 

North  America,  79. 
Adventures  of  the  First  Settlers  on  the 

Oregon,  151. 
Advocate,  The,  175. 
Allaire,  Antony,  35,  179. 
Allan,  Adam,  30. 
Alline,  Henry,  11-16,  177. 
Americans  at  Home,  The,  86. 
Antitraditionist,  The,  14. 
Antoinette  de  Mirecourt,  139. 
Archia,  145. 
Attache,  The,  81,  84,  88-89. 

Bailey,  Jacob,  22,  23,  26-27,  32,  37- 

41, 152,  180. 
Bates,  Walter,  42-44. 
Bouchette,  Joseph,  140. 
Bourinot,  Sir  John  G.,  109. 
Brief  Suggestions,  109. 
British  Dominions  in  North  America, 

The,  140. 
Brooke,  Mrs.  Francis,  15-16,  177. 
Bubbles  of  Canada,  The,  77. 
Byles,  Mather,  Jr.,  42. 

Camillus  Letters,  152. 

Campbell,  Wilfred,  187. 

Canadian  Brothers,  The,  133-135,  137, 

138. 

Canadian  Crusoes,  123. 
Canadian  Freeholder,  The,  16. 


Canadian  Loyalist,  136. 

Canadian  Magazine,  11 2-1 13,  115. 

Canadian  Review,  113-115,  154. 

Carman,  Bliss,  187. 

Chien  d'Or,  Le,  155,  182. 

Chipman,  Handley,  n. 

Christie,  Robert,  104,  105,  106-107. 

Clemo,  Ebenezer,  194. 

Cleveland,  Benjamin,  15. 

Clockmaker,  The,  68-69,  75>  7&>  79_ 

81,    82-84,    87-89,   90-93,    95-97, 

117,  181,  184. 
Club,  The,  59-60,  90,  117,  181. 
Coffin,  William  F.,  104. 
Count  Felippo,  171. 
Critical  State  of  the  Bull  Family,  The, 

98. 

Dark  Huntsman,  The,  173. 

Dawson,  Sir  John  William,  144-145, 

182,  183. 
Description  of  the  Great  Falls,  30,  31. 
Description  of  the  Province  of  New 

Brunswick,  A,  40-41. 
Diary  (Allaire),  35,  36. 
Dunlop,  William,  105. 

Eastern  Rambles,  59. 
Ecarte,  128,  130,  132. 
Eight  Years  in  Canada,  136. 

Fanning,  David,  36-37,  179. 

Fleet,  William  Henry,  98-101,   131, 

181,  184. 
Fur  Traders  of  the  Far  West,   151, 
152. 
197 


198 


INDEX 


Gait,  John,  6,  117,  118. 

Gazette  (Halifax),  8;  (Quebec),  15,  57. 

Geology  of  Canada,  143. 

Gesner,  Abraham,  140-142,  144,  145, 

182,  183. 
Goldsmith,  Oliver,  112,  153-155,  183. 
Gourlay,  Robert  Fleming,  108. 
Guards  in  Canada,  The,  136. 
Gyles,  John,  10. 

Haliburton,  Sir  Brenton,  98,  153. 
Haliburton,  Thomas  Chandler,  4,  59, 

68-97,  98,  106,  159,  181,  184. 
Halifax  Monthly  Magazine,  112. 
Hardscrabble,  137. 
Harmon,  David  Williams,  140-151, 

152. 
Hawley,  William,  158,  185. 
Hearne,  Samuel,  147. 
Heavysege,    Charles,    168-176,    182, 

183, 185. 
Henry,  Alexander,  149,  152,  185. 
Heriot,  George,  41. 
Hesperus,  160-164. 
Historical  and  Statistical  Account  of 

Nova  Scotia,  An,  76-77,  90,  95-96, 

106. 
History    of    Canada    (Heriot),    41; 

(MacMullen),  106;    (Smith),  106, 

181. 
History  of  the  Eastern  Country,  40. 
History  of  Emily  Montague,  The,  16. 
History  of  Lady  Jxdia  Mandcvillc,  The, 

15- 

History  of  the  Late  Province  of  Lower 
Canada,  107. 

History  of  the  Late  War,  104. 

History  of  New  England,  40. 

History  of  Nova  Scotia,  106. 

Howe,  Joseph,  56,  57-67,  73,  io8, 
no.  112,  153-154,  180-181,  184. 

How  I  Came  to  be  Governor  of  the  Is- 
land of  Cacona,  98-101,  181,  184. 


Huron  Chief  and  Other  Poems,  The, 

157- 
Hymns  and  Spiritual  Songs,  14. 

Ida  Beresford,  139. 
Inglis,  Charles,  33,  34,  48. 
Inquiry  into  the  Merits  of  the  Principal 
Naval  Actions,  An,  103,  132. 

Jack  Brag  in  Spain,  136. 

James,  William,  102-103. 

Jameson,  Mrs.,  117. 

Jephthah's  Daughter,  1 71-173,  175, 
185. 

Jezebel,  173. 

John  Bull  and  his  Calves,  98. 

Journal  (Bailey),  23,  26,  37-40; 
(Witherspoon),  10. 

Journal  of  Voyages  and  Travels  (Har- 
mon), 149-151. 

Journey  from  Prince  of  Wales'  Fort, 
A,  142. 

Kidd,  Adam,  157,  185. 
Kirby,  William,  155. 
Kirk,  John  Foster,  in. 

Lady  Mary  and  her  Nurse,  123. 

Legislative  Reviews,  60. 

Leprohon,  Mrs.  Rosanna,  115,  138- 

139,  175,  182,  184,  185. 
Letter  Bag  of  the  Great  Western,  The, 

84-85,  86. 
Letters  of  Papinian,  33. 
Life  and  Adventures  of  Simon  Seek, 

The,  94. 
Life  and  Journal  (Alline),  11-14. 
Life  in  the  Clearings,  121. 
Literary  Garland,  115-116,  120,  121, 

123,  133,  138-139,  J72,  184. 
Little  Downy,  the  Fieldmouse,  124. 
Logan,    Sir   William,    142-144,    182, 

183. 


INDEX 


199 


Mackenzie,  Sir  Alexander,  148-149, 

i5*i  152. 
Mackenzie,  William  Lyon,  108. 
MacMullen,  John  Mercier,  106. 
McGee,  Thomas  D'Arcy,  109-110. 
McLachlan,  Alexander,  167, 182,  185. 
Manor  House  of  De  Villerai,  The,  139, 

184-185. 
Maseres,  Francis,  16,  177. 
Memoirs  of  the  Administration  of  the 

Colonial     Government     of     Lower 

Canada,  104. 
Memoirs  of  Odd  Adventures,  10. 
Military  and  Naval  Operations  in  the 

Canadas,  104. 
Monk  Knight  of  St.  John,  The,  137. 
Moodie,    Mrs.    Susanna    Strickland, 

115,  118-124,  138,  161,  182,  183, 

184,  185. 
Moody,  James,  35-36,  179. 
Movements  of  the  British  Legion,  132. 
Murdock,  Beamish,  106,  107. 
Murdock,  William,  166. 
Mysterious  Stranger,  The,  43-44. 

Narrative  Detailing  Astonishing 
Events,  36-37. 

Narrative  of  an  Extraordinary  Es- 
cape, A,  10. 

Narrative  of  a  Journey  Round  the 
World,  152. 

Nature  and  Human  Nature,  82,  90. 

Newcomb,  Simon,  5,  146. 

New  Era,  136. 

Nova  Scotia  Magazine,  45-47,  113. 

Nova  Scotian,  58-60,  62,  90,  95,  112, 
154,  184. 

Nova  Scotian  Afloat,  The,  59. 

Nova  Scotian  in  England,  The,  59. 

Observations  on  the  Minerals  of  Nova 

Scotia,  40. 
Odell,  Jonathan,  19,  27-30,  32,  48,  71. 


Old  Judge,  The,  85. 

On  the  Advantage  of  Opening  the  River 

St.  Laurence,  41. 
Operations  of  the  Right  Division,  104. 
Organization  of  the  Empire,  64. 
Owl,  The,  173. 

Parker,  Sir  Gilbert,  182. 
Parliamentary  Government,  109-110. 
Personal  Memoirs  (Richardson),  136. 
Philip  Musgrave,  137. 
Popular  History  of  Ireland,  no. 
Practice   and  Privileges  of  the   Two 

Houses  of  Parliament,  The,  109. 
Providential  Escape,  A,  10. 

Quebec,  the  Harp,  and  Other  Poems, 

158. 
Quebec  Magazine,  47. 

Rambles  in  Canada,  117. 

Recollections  of  the  American  War, 
105. 

Recollections  of  the  West  Indies,  136. 

Red  River  Settlement,  The,  151. 

Remarks  on  the  Geology  and  Mineral- 
ogy of  Nova  Scotia,  141,  142. 

Repeal  of  the  Differential  Duties  on 
Foreign  and  Colonial  Wood,  79. 

Reply  to  the  Report  of  the  Earl  of  Dur- 
ham, A,  77. 

Revolt  of  Tartarus,  The,  174. 

Richardson,  John,  4,  53,  104,  105, 
115,  125-139,  158,  159,  175,  182, 
183,  184,  185. 

Rising  Village,  The,  112,  i53_I54> 
185. 

Roberts,  Charles  G.  D.,  187. 

Robinson,  Sir  John  Beverley,  108. 

Ross,  Alexander,  1 51-15  2. 

Roughing  It  in  the  Bush,  n 8-1 2  2, 
138,  184. 

Rule  and  Misrule,  77-79. 


200 


INDEX 


Sam  Slick's  Wise  Saws,  81,  82,  89-90. 
Sangster,  Charles,  115,  159-165,  182, 

183,  185. 
Saul,  168-171,  172,  174,  175,  176. 
Season  Ticket,  The,  85-86. 
Sewell,  Jonathan,  23,  41,  108. 
Sewell,  Stephen,  42. 
Shakespearean  Tercentenary  Ode,  173. 
Simpson,  Sir  George,  152. 
Smethurst,  Gamaliel,  10. 
Smith,  William,  Jr.,  106,  181. 
Speeches  and  Public  Letters  (Howe), 

60. 
Stansbury,  Joseph,  24,  25. 
St.  Lawrence  and  the  Saguenay,  159- 

160,  161,  163. 
Strachan,  John,  42,  108. 
Strickland,  Samuel,  124. 
Synopsis  of  Naval  Actions,  102,  103. 

Tecumseh,  127. 
Thom,  Adam,  152. 
Thompson,  David,  104. 
Todd,  Alpheus,  108-110,  183. 
Topographical     Description     of     the 

Province  of  Lower  Canada,  A,  140. 
Traill,  Mrs.  Catharine  Parr,  115,  118, 

123,  124,  185. 


Traits  of  American  Humor,  83,  86. 
Travels   and   Adventures   in   Canada 

(Henry),  149,  185. 
Travels  through  the  Canadas  (Heriot), 

41. 
True  Interest  of  America,  The,  33. 
Twenty-Seven  Years  in  Canada  West, 

124. 
Two  Mites,  14. 

Unknown,  The,  158. 
Upham,  Joshua,  in. 

Veritas,  42. 

Victoria  Magazine,  121. 
Voyages  from  Montreal  (Mackenzie) , 
148. 

Wacousta,    126-127,    I28,    129-132, 

134,  135,  184. 
War  and  its  Moral,  The,  104. 
War  of  1812,  127,  136. 
Waunangee,  137. 
Westbrook,  137. 
Western  Rambles,  59. 
Wilson,  Sir  Daniel,  146. 
Winslow  Papers,  The,  32. 
Witherspoon,  John,  10. 


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This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


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